The Houthi Resistance: Justice, Defiance, & Unity

author | Surya Tallavarjula

The Rise Of Ansar Allah

Ansar Allah, commonly called “Houthis” or “Houthi Rebels,” had humble roots. It began as a purely theological movement, with its first organization, The Believing Youth, established in 1992 (1). This organization, founded by Mohammed and Hussein Al-Houthi, was based in the city of Sa'ada, a city in the Northwestern corner of Yemen. Sa'ada was the historic birthplace of Shia Islam in the seventh century and served as a base for Zaydism, a sect of Shia Islam, throughout the remainder of the first and second millennia (2). The Believing Youth established school clubs and summer camps  to promote a Zaidi revival in Sa'ada, gaining approximately 20,000 members by 1995. Some notable speakers at these events included Mohammed Fadhlallah, a prominent Lebanese Shia scholar, and Hassan Nasrallah, the current secretary general of Hezbollah (3).

One of the fundamental reasons for the creation of the BY (Believing Youth) was a response to foreign intervention and the alleged corruption of the Yemeni government. Some of their key grievances included Saudi influence over ideologies in Yemen such as the emergence of Wahhabism, alliance with the United States, and marginalization of Zaydi Muslims (4). After the 2003 US invasion that left over one million Iraqis dead, BY-affiliated youth adopted more extreme anti-American and anti-Israel chants. Due to the Yemeni government’s affiliation with the US, they feared that anti-American sentiment could lead to resistance against the government. This led to the arrest of over 800 BY supporters in 2004 in Sana'a, the capital city of Yemen (5). Hussein Al-Houthi, one of BY’s founders, responded by leading an insurgency against the central government but was killed on September 10th, 2004. The insurgency, however, continued until a temporary ceasefire was reached in 2010. Yemen’s president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, led numerous campaigns to suppress the rebellion with the aid of equipment and troops from the Saudis. Due to the superiority of weapons carried by the Yemeni government and Saudi forces such as modern tanks and aircraft, Ansar Allah typically bore the brunt of casualties. Ultimately, however, Ansar Allah prevailed in terms of retaining their home base of Sa'ada: a major humiliation for the Saudis who spent tens of billions of dollars to no avail (6).

In 2011, large demonstrations broke out in Sana'a. Tens of thousands of protesters gathered, demanding an end to President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s regime. Ansar Allah capitalized off of this social unrest, launching attacks and ultimately gaining control of the majority of Sa’ada, Al Jawf, and Hajjah governorates as well as access to the Red Sea. The Gulf Cooperation Council, consisting of various Gulf States such as Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, and others, oversaw the power transfer to Abdrabbuh Mansur Al-Hadi. Ansar Allah refused to accept the GCC deal for various reasons, namely that it divided Yemen into poor and wealthy areas (7). According to a Newsweek article written during the aftermath of the 2011 revolution, the Houthis [were] fighting "for things that all Yemenis crave: government accountability, the end to corruption, regular utilities, fair fuel prices, job opportunities for ordinary Yemenis, and the end of Western influence" (8). On August 18th, 2014, Ansar Allah began a series of demonstrations against increased fuel prices in Sana'a. On September 16th, the protests and the ensuing repression by government security forces led to violent clashes and left approximately 340 people dead.  On September 21st, Ansar Allah took control of Sana'a, after which Prime Minister Mohammed Basindawa resigned and the Houthis signed a deal for a new unity government with other political parties (9). This forced the internationally-recognized government into exile, to reside in the Southern port city of Aden. Ansar Allah had, at this point, transformed their localized Northern rebellion into a full-scale nationwide revolution.

An Exploration Of Zaydism

To make sense of the Ansar Allah insurgency, it is critical to first explore their ideological roots. Zaydism is a Shia-Islamic school of thought which emerged in reverence of Zayd's failed uprising against the Umayyad Caliph, Hisham (r. 724–743 AD). This fundamental aspect of the ideology’s origin set a precedent for revolution against corrupt rulers. According to Hussein al-Houthi, a founder of the Ansar Allah movement, Zaydis find it difficult to ‘sit in their houses' and remain passive in an unjust world (10). Some scholars argue that Zaydism is “simply a philosophy of political government that justifies the overthrow of unjust rulers'' (11). While they may make this argument, there are some concrete theological differences between Zaydism and other forms of Shiism. Firstly, Zaydis reject Taqiyyah, the practice of religious dissimulation to protect one’s religious identity from enemies; certain Islamic sects legitimize this practice. This can be attributed to the fact that Zaydis lived safely under Zaydi rule in Yemen for over a millennium, while other Shiite sects experienced persecution under Sunni rule. 

Zaydis also do not believe in the infallibility of Imams— in contrast with Twelver and Ismaili Shias— although they do believe that the Imamate must be a descendant of Husayn or Hasan ibn Ali. Thirdly, while Zaydis believe that Ali was the rightful Caliph, they do not reject Abu Bakr and Umar outright: in fact, the term ‘Rafidah’ was born out of Zayd ibn Ali’s refusal to condemn to first two Caliphs of the Muslim world, a term used by many Salafis to this day to refer to Twelver Shias (12). This fact demonstrates a contrast between Zaydi and Twelver beliefs regarding Abu Bakr and Umar, the first two Caliphs. Generally speaking, the vast majority of Zaydi theological beliefs are common with mainstream Sunni and Shia Islam, although they rely less on Hadith (stories about the prophet Muhammad PBUH) and mainly use Hadiths that are consistent with the Quran (13). The Zaydi sect is almost exclusively found in Yemen; approximately 35% of Yemenis are Zaydis and the remaining 65% are Sunnis.

At the most practical level, Zaydis believe in resisting oppression to a much larger extent than other Islamic sects. Zaydis’ theological literature emphasizes justice, human responsibility, and their political implications, i.e. Muslims have an ethical and legal obligation by their religion to rise and depose unjust leaders including unrighteous sultans and caliphs (11). Thus, the revolutionary ideals necessary for bottoms-up political movements are ingrained into the ideology: the very nature of rising against corrupt rulers rules out the concept of placing one’s entire trust in an authority figure, creating a safeguard against internal corruption. 

In other sects of Islam (and other cultures/religions worldwide), there is a larger emphasis on the trust and obedience of rulers, caliphs, and scholars. While people may have ambitions for political change, this thought process of blind, absolute obedience often proves to be the kryptonite to such ambitions. Any political or scholarly figure could easily be corrupted without the obedient masses taking notice, and injustice could be rebranded as justice in the face of the uncritical. Also, the concept of human responsibility is arguably the most fundamental element of a bottoms-up revolution. If the majority of people believe in their personal responsibility to enforce justice at a macro level, they will be active participants in a movement for political change. However, if the masses believe in blindly placing their trust in rulers, scholars, and other figures of authority to enforce justice and truth, such a revolution is unlikely to occur.

Ultimately, it is no surprise that Ansar Allah is leading the charge of rebellion as this is a fundamental aspect of their theology. This foundational concept of shared human responsibility makes them nearly impossible to crush: killing any leader will not profoundly impact the movement as another leader will inevitably rise to the occasion. This is evident by how the Ansar Allah insurgency continued until 2010 despite their leader, Hussein Al-Houthi, being killed in 2004. Furthermore, a movement founded on the principle of collective involvement with goals shared by the populous can potentially cross religious sectarian divisions. In an interview with the Yemen Times, Hussein Al-Bukhari, a Houthi insider, said that the Houthis' preferred political system is a republic with a system of elections where women can also hold political positions and furthering that they do not seek to form a cleric-led government: "we cannot apply this system in Yemen because the followers of the Shafi doctrine are bigger in number than the Zaydis" (14). 

Although Ansar Allah has undoubtedly shored up plenty of Sunni support, there are still controversies surrounding the unfair treatment of the Sunni majority by Ansar Allah. The BBC reports that "[t]here are rumors that the Houthis are targeting Sunni mosques in the capital and changing their imams," while noting that the call to prayer was changed from the Sunni to the Zaydi version (BBC 17 Mar. 2015). In addition, it is stated that Ansar Allah believes that those who do not swear allegiance to it are working with the Saudi-led coalition and that as a result Sunnis have been discriminated against. While these are very valid concerns, the fact remains that the overwhelming evidence shows both Sunni and Shia Yemenis can coexist, as was the case for a millennium, under Zaydi rule in Yemen. As we will observe, it is important to maintain a certain level of skepticism in what foreign entities have to say about Ansar Allah and maintain a focus on primary source evidence. 

Genocide Of The Yemenis: The ‘Coalition’ Of International Powers And Their Collective Crimes Against Humanity

On the 26 of March 2015, Saudi Arabia led a coalition consisting of itself, the UAE, Sudan, Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, and Senegal with the backing of the USA, the UK, France, and Canada to intervene against Ansar Allah at the request of Saudi-installed president Hadi. This initial operation, Operation Decisive Storm, consisted of roughly 190 aircraft and 180,000 troops from these nations. Multiple nations contributed warships to the operation to establish a naval blockade to prevent potential aid to Ansar Allah (15). In addition to these States, non-state entities such as ISIS and Al-Qaeda with a localized presence took to fighting Ansar Allah (16). Ultimately, fighting continued until a temporary truce was reached in April 2022. As of the writing of this paper in January 2024, Saudi Arabia has resumed the bombing of Yemen. 

The Saudi-led coalition has leveled schools, homes, infrastructure, and cultural heritage sites in Yemen while continually repeating the same excuse, “only military targets are hit by airstrikes.” However, the observable conditions on the ground show a blatant disregard for international humanitarian requirements with the mass killing of Yemeni civilians including thousands of women and children, and the mass starvation of noncombatants in Yemen (17). The Saudi coalition has implemented a crippling blockade in Yemen, condemned by humanitarian experts worldwide, ceasing the flow of food and medicine for Yemenis while at the same time enabling the flow of arms to the Saudi-led coalition. Yemen had traditionally imported over 90% of its food supplies, but the Saudi-led embargo stopped virtually all food imports. About 2 million were malnourished, including 1.3 million children - 320,000 of whom were suffering from severe acute malnutrition in 2019 according to a BBC report (18). As of January 2024, over 377,000 civilians have been killed with around 150,000 killed in direct combat action according to UN estimates (19). 

Since November 2013, the US has provided over $35 billion in arms to the Saudis, and the British have supplied the Saudi coalition with over $9 billion in new weapons. Saudi Arabia claims the main purpose for the intervention to be the supposed Iranian backing and influence of Ansar Allah. However, US intelligence in early 2015 asserted that Iran had advised Ansar Allah against capturing the Yemeni capital and that Iran was not engaging in the movement beyond religious ties between scholars, revealed in a classified WikiLeaks document (22). The WikiLeaks document also revealed that the main reason for the Houthi uprising was local issues such as corruption, imperialism, and economic austerity, not Iranian clerical influence. Despite this intelligence, the US and UK continued to provide weapons to the Saudis, a practice that was widely condemned across academic circles and made the US complicit in crimes against humanity. Based on the UN definition of genocide - a crime committed with the intent to destroy a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group, in whole or in part - there can be no doubt whatsoever that the coalition is guilty of genocide and that Western powers such as the US, UK, France, and Canada are complicit in genocide. 

Why World Powers Are Afraid Of Ansar Allah, And Why They Failed To Destroy Them

The question arises: why were these prominent Arab and Western powers so dedicated to defeating Ansar Allah? Ultimately, the reason has to do with the concept of bottoms-up revolution, a phenomenon feared by every world power. In Saudi Arabia and the UAE, demonstrating is illegal and can result in imprisonment or even assassination. One example of this is Jamal Khashoggi - a vocal Saudi journalist against the Saudi intervention in Yemen - who was assassinated on October 2, 2018, in Turkey. Additionally, a retired teacher was sentenced to death in Saudi Arabia after making a post on Twitter criticizing this action (20). In fact, according to former residents, the Saudi and UAE regimes go so far as giving premeditated scripts to Imams to be read during community prayer which parrot pro-government policies, imprisoning those Imams that do not follow the script. The message is clear: we are scared of dissent and people organizing from the bottom of the pyramid. Why?

Bottoms-up revolutions are incredibly difficult to crush. In such a revolution, there is no top-down structure, i.e. one can’t extinguish a bottoms-up movement just by killing its leaders. To truly extinguish such a movement, one must try to demoralize them to a point at which they give up or imprison/kill all of their participants. The Saudis ultimately failed in demoralizing them or making them sell out to corruption: the ideas of Ansar Allah were too powerful to destroy. Since Saudi’s stated aim of restoring their puppet leader Hadi to power required the removal of Ansar Allah, Saudi Arabia’s final option was to wage genocidal warfare. Despite genocidal techniques such as using starvation as a weapon of war and indiscriminate bombings, the Saudi-led coalition completely failed to achieve its stated aim. Ansar Allah is stronger in 2024 than in 2014, gaining more support and fighting experience. It seems almost impossible: a coalition of over eleven states with the backing of four prominent Western powers, able to massacre 377,000 people but unable to make a dent in Ansar Allah's resistance. How?

In Yemen, Ansar Allah and the people are fundamentally inseparable, as the movement represents and stands for things the vast majority of Yemenis want and transcends sectarian squabbles. It’s quite clear that if the majority Sunni population wanted to rise against Ansar Allah, they could have easily done so with the backing of the international world. They did not; instead, they joined forces with them in large numbers. According to Abdulqawi Esmail Esmail, a Yemeni citizen who lived in Sana’a during the genocide, approximately 60% of Ansar Allah is Sunni (21). Ansar Allah could not be defeated from within Yemen or externally; the collective community of Yemen was mobilized with one goal, revolution and resistance. Many Yemenis were motivated by their faith, and would rather die the honorable death of martyrdom than do the bidding of external powers. This made them an impossible army, capable of taking on the most advanced weaponry with their willpower alone. The factors that made such unity and resistance possible must be studied: both by dictatorships that seek to maintain oppressive rule and by revolutionaries who seek to topple it. 

A Connection To The Concept of Revolution

First and foremost, a revolutionary movement should have an ideological backbone. This ideological backbone should be compatible with the things in society that people value. At the most fundamental level, the Zaydi sect preaches individual responsibility to ensure justice. People aren’t taught to sit back and wait for somebody else to save them; they are taught that if they see something corrupt in the world, they have a moral duty to act to fix it. This mindset makes a bottoms-up movement possible and prevents a corrupt centralized power structure from forming, as individuals are not looking to put all their trust in authority figures to deal with external difficulties.

Secondly, the movement must transcend sectarian and ideological differences in the broad masses and represent values that everyone can get behind. This is critical in terms of mobilizing the masses and creating a sense of community and belonging that resonates throughout all of society. Ansar Allah was able to appeal to both Sunnis and Zaydis, uniting and mobilizing them in the cause of justice. The fact that Ansar Allah is estimated to be 60% Sunni, close to the proportion of Sunni Muslims in Yemen (65%), shows that Yemenis of all backgrounds are siding with Ansar Allah. 

Thirdly, the movement will inevitably be faced with internal and external disturbances and one can expect the establishment powers to be ruthless if they feel their power is threatened. In the case of Ansar Allah, there were many disturbances, the most prominent of which were the leaders of the Arab world and many prominent Western powers engaging in genocidal warfare against them. They also had to resist radical extremist groups such as ISIS and Al Qaeda, many of whom were found to be Saudi nationals (21). 

Lastly, the movement has to be absolute in its values and expose hypocrisy: any weaknesses will be exploited by the establishment powers. Ansar Allah was able to resist internal weakening by maintaining hard lines ideologically and carefully weeding out intruders. Analyzing their slogans— which include phrases such as “death to America,” “death to Israel,” and “victory to Islam”— we observe that Ansar Allah is uncompromising in their beliefs. After witnessing the slaughter of over a million Iraqis at the hands of the Americans and the daily abuse of Palestinians by the Israelis, they aren’t willing to water down what they say to satisfy other regional players. Using these techniques, Ansar Allah and the Yemeni people were able to endure the most excruciating suffering at the hands of external powers who sought to destroy them for what they represented: a bottoms-up revolution. 

What Ansar Allah Is Doing Today

As of January 2024, Ansar Allah’s territory covers 80% of Yemen’s population, with the remaining territories under the control of the Southern Transitional Council (STC), the government of Yemen (GoY), Al Qaeda, and ISIS. Ansar Allah is becoming more relevant and known globally, albeit by their unofficial nickname “the Houthis.” The fact that regional powers are referring to Ansar Allah with this nickname is quite telling: Arab leaders don’t want the masses to associate these people with their name’s meaning - the supporters of Allah (God). In any case, the simple fact that broad masses of Yemenis are getting behind the message of Ansar Allah is becoming more apparent: hundreds of thousands of people, often well into the millions, have shown up to protests in Sana’a against Israeli aggression in Palestine. Ansar Allah is leading these protests, and many protestors are holding up signs of Ansar Allah’s slogan and pledging their allegiance. 

As a result of the mass outrage toward the treatment of Palestinians by the Zionist entity, Middle Eastern politics are under an intense microscope, giving Ansar Allah more publicity than usual. Ansar Allah declared war on the Zionist entity on October 31st, 2023. They have vowed to shut down the Red Sea for all ships Israel-bound until Israel stops its assault on the civilians of Gaza. Due to the targeting and seizure of Israel-bound ships, shipping companies have been forced to take a longer route around the Cape of Good Hope to reach Israel, costing billions of dollars. Beginning on the 11th of January, the US and UK launched a series of airstrikes supposedly targeting ‘Houthi infrastructure,’ effectively starting a war to protect Israeli supply chains.

Ansar Allah and the Yemeni people have put everything on the line to put pressure on Israel; there is nothing they gain at an economic or political level by doing this other than attracting the attention and aggression of their enemies. They are not afraid of the consequences, however, and claim to be doing so purely out of moral and ethical necessity. While most Arab rulers have done nothing for Palestine other than hollow words of support, Ansar Allah has done everything in their capability to exert maximal economic and military pressure on Israel, winning the hearts of authentic pro-Palestinians worldwide. There is no greater example of the spirit and essence of Ansar Allah than the actions they have taken to defend those under attack in Gaza: they are not worried about war and confrontation, they are rooted in their morals, and they stand for what they believe is just.

References

1. Batati, Saeed Al. “Who Are Yemen’s Houthis?” Al Jazeera, Al Jazeera, 29 Mar. 2015, www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2014/08/yemen-houthis-hadi-protests-201482132719818986.html. 

2. “Saada Prison Airstrike - Academic Accelerator.” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia, 10 June 2015, academic-accelerator.com/encyclopedia/saada-prison-airstrike. 

3. Salmoni, Barak A. et al “Regime and Periphery in Northern Yemen: The Huthi Phenomenon.” Rand.Org, National Defense Research Institute, 6 Jan. 2012, www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/monographs/2010/RAND_MG962.pdf

4. Baron, Adam, et al. “What We Get Wrong about Yemen.” POLITICO Magazine, 25 Mar. 2015, www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/03/yemen-intervention-116396/. 

5. IRIN, Yemen: The conflict in Saada Governorate - analysis, 24 July 2008, https://www.refworld.org/docid/488f180d1e.html

6. Riedel, Bruce, and Daniel L. Byman. “Who Are the Houthis, and Why Are We at War with Them?” Brookings, 9 Mar. 2022, www.brookings.edu/articles/who-are-the-houthis-and-why-are-we-at-war-with-them/. 

7. AFP. “Yemen al Houthi Rebels Slam Federation Plan as Unfair.” Yemen – Gulf News, Gulf News, 29 Oct. 2018, gulfnews.com/world/gulf/yemen/yemen-al-houthi-rebels-slam-federation-plan-as-unfair-1.1289512. 

8. Anonymous. “Rise of the Houthis.” Newsweek, 5 Apr. 2016, www.newsweek.com/photo-essay-rise-houthis-305511. 

9. Gardner, Frank. “Frank Gardner: Yemen at Risk of Civil War, Says Ambassador.” BBC News, BBC, 24 Oct. 2014, www.bbc.com/news/world-29749046. 

10. Abdullah, Lux. "Yemen's last Zaydi Imam: the shabab al-mu'min, the Malazim, and hizb allah in the thought of Husayn Badr al-Din al-Huthi". Summer 2009. Contemporary Arab Affairs. 2 (3): 369–434.

11. Al-Deen, Maysaa Shuja. “Yemen’s War-Torn Rivalries for Religious Education.” carnegieendowment.org, Carnegie Endowment For International Peace, 7 June 2021, carnegieendowment.org/2021/06/07/yemen-s-war-torn-rivalries-for-religious-education-pub-84651. 

12. The Encyclopedia of Religion Vol.16, Mircea Eliade, Charles J. Adams, Macmillan, 1987, p243.

13.  Regional Surveys of the World: The Middle East and North Africa 2003. London, England: Europa Publications. 2003. p. 149. ISBN 978-1-85743-132-2.

14. Al-Bukhari. "Al-Bukhari to the Yemen Times: ‘The Houthis' takeover can not be called an invasion’". Yemen Times. 21 October 2014. https://web.archive.org/web/20150217094452/http://www.yementimes.com/en/1826/intreview/4467/Al-Bukhaiti-to-the-Yemen-Times-

15. "Factbox: Saudi-led coalition against Yemen's Houthis". Reuters. 10 April 2015. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-yemen-security-coalition-factbox-idUSKBN0N11F220150410/

16. "Yemen conflict: Al-Qaeda joins coalition battle for Taiz". BBC News. 22 February 2016. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-35630194

17. 4 Mohamed Rasha and Rawan Shaif, “Saudi Arabia is Committing War Crimes in Yemen,” Foreign Policy (3-25- 16) http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/03/25/civilian-casualties-war-crimes-saudi-arabia-yemen-war/. 

18. “Yemen crisis: How bad is the humanitarian situation?”. BBC News. 28 March 2017. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-34011187. 

19. “Caat - the War on Yemen’s Civilians.” Campaign Against Arms Trade, CAAT, 25 Aug. 2023, caat.org.uk/homepage/stop-arming-saudi-arabia/the-war-on-yemens-civilians/. 

20. “Still No Justice for Saudi-Sanctioned Murder of Jamal Khashoggi Five Years On.” Amnesty International, 3 Oct. 2023, www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/09/saudi-arabia-still-no-justice-for-state-sanctioned-murder-of-jamal-khashoggi-five-years-on/. 

21. Tallavarjula, Surya, and Abdulqawi Esmail Esmail. “Lived Experiences in Yemen and Ansar Allah.” 18 Jan. 2024. 

22. “Submit Documents to WikiLeaks.” Cable: 09SANAA1662_a, WikiLeaks, 2009, wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09SANAA1662_a.html.

Disclaimer

This article is not intended to be an endorsement of Ansar Allah or their ideology. The goal is not to argue that Ansar Allah is a direct model for other revolutionaries to follow, nor that they are necessarily role models of morality. Rather, this paper intends to bring to light the political situation in Yemen, illuminate the key methodologies used by Ansar Allah to create a revolution in Yemen, and expose the global world order’s fear of such a revolution.

Trekking Through Spirituality in Turkey

written by sana sayyid

In the summer of 2015, my family and I took a trip to Turkey. We had originally planned on performing Umrah in Saudi Arabia, after which we would head over to Pakistan to visit our relatives. However, having taken a Turkish airline, we stayed in Turkey for a week during our layover, intrepidly exploring all Istanbul and Konya had to offer. 

Upon arrival to Turkey, my sister and I took  a step outside of the airport and then immediately went back inside as part of a travel tradition we always engage in. While this might seem silly to some, we do this because in the past, when we had visited countries in South Asia and the Middle East, we noticed how much our glasses fogged up upon stepping outside of the airport. Because the climate in this region is so arid and warm, and the humid air outside so distinct from the cool air-conditioned interior of the airport, it is always fun to experience the contrast in weather this way.

I remember much more from this trip than I do others because Ramadan began during our stay in Istanbul and we were all fasting. Something about the hunger I experienced sharpened my focus and allowed me to be more conscious of and enamored with my surroundings. As material distractions eluded me, I centered my focus on my Iman and travel experience. 

Istanbul was a dream. Luminous, blue skies filled with fluffy white clouds made the atmosphere seem almost cheerful during our stay there. Having been the capital of the Ottoman Empire for centuries, and the capital of the Byzantine Empire for centuries before that (under the name Constantinople), Istanbul was a technological hub with dazzling skyscrapers and modern infrastructure. Like many other bustling cities, there were towering buildings, newly constructed roadways, and people everywhere. Even in the middle of a pleasant summer, there were thousands of tourists swarming around the place, desperate to uncover the city’s rich history and culture. 

I felt more at home in Istanbul than I had in any other city I’d visited because of the sheer amount of diversity I witnessed, especially among the city’s tourists. As I walked along the cobbled streets in the city, I was reminded of the Bay Area where I had grown up in, and I felt more free to express myself there. Like my hometown, Istanbul was an interesting mesh of nature and modernization--while there were sleek, multi-storied malls, there was also the Grand Bazaar, with its sprawling tents selling homemade wares. Perhaps what I will remember most fondly about the city is the sheer number of seagulls that had taken over the place, particularly around the waterfront of the Bosphorus River. My hometown has its own smattering of geese, crows, and pigeons, as well as it’s many natural parks, quarries, and lakes, so the cool sea breeze brought with it a fresh sense of home. Additionally, the Soroptimist International Convention, a convention supporting world peace and women’s empowerment in education, was being held in Istanbul during our stay there. As a result, there were hordes of women from all over the world sightseeing and experiencing Turkey alongside us, which made it less frightening to explore the city on our own. 

Two memories will remain forever ingrained in my mind from my visit in Istanbul. Like so many other predominantly Muslim countries, the azaan is ever-present, constantly ringing out the melodic call to prayer throughout the day. When we visited Sultan Ahmed Mosque (or as it is more commonly known, the Blue Mosque), we discovered that the Turks were known for the beautifully adorned blue tiles inside. They would export them to other countries as a source of their wealth and foreigners would refer to the stones as ‘Turk Quartz’ which later in fact became known as the color ‘turquoise.’ It was amazing that the origin of the word had such a deeper hidden meaning. 

I also so clearly remember the soothing night boat ride on the Bosphorus River—the river in Istanbul that acts as the continental border between Asia and Europe— it was startling to see the stark contrast between the two sides of the river. On the one hand, there were glowing lights and people milling about as the azaan rang out for Isha prayer--and later, taraweeh--and on the other side, there was complete darkness as the Christian and Jewish communities of the city headed off to sleep. When our boat tour guide was pointing out the differences between the two sides, I felt in awe of how two distinct communities could coexist so openly with one another. Even in my own hometown, where I have experienced so much tolerance and freedom to practice my religion, I could not have imagined non-Muslims walking the streets, saying Salams to any Muslim they meet and appreciating the melodic call to prayer. 

There were so many places to visit in Istanbul, so much history and culture to unearth and immerse myself in, and so little time. Still, I will always remember my time there extremely fondly. From the boy who gave my brother a free Turkish Delight confection so that he could play with him, to the vending machines interspersed throughout the city that gave out dog food to stray dogs (if one recycled water bottles) I will forever cherish the memories I created. 

I cannot forget the palpable joy that Istanbul’s ambience, many attractions, and people provided me. I remember being awestruck by the grandeur of the Hagia Sophia as I learned of its transformation from an ancient church to a mosque and then a museum, and I was even more amazed by the four courtyards of the Topkapi Palace and the tall series of 4 walls enclosing them. Since it was Ramadan, the Turkish government had opened up the viewing of several religious items from the past--including Musa (AS)’s staff, Fatima (RA)’s shirt, and Uthman (RA)’s Quran (Turkey was the seat of the Caliphate of the Ottoman Empire for several centuries and so, accumulated most of the Islamic relics of the past at that time). Imagining Musa (AS) lifting the staff on display in front of me and parting the tremendous mass of the sea through the grace of Allah (SWT) made me tremble in awe. These objects were imbued with so much history, painting pictures of the lives of our role models. Seeing the objects from stories that I had been told since I was a child--stories that I had always felt a certain distance from, as if they were from a displaced part of history--I felt a strong sense of connection with the lives of our noble prophets, sahaba, and wise people of the past. 

Another distinct memory I have is of the Quran reading room in the Topkapi Palace. This was a room where several huffaz were on a 24/7 hour rotation of Quranic recitation so that the Quran could be read and broadcast throughout the palace constantly, day and night, during the entire month of Ramadan. Hearing the words of Allah (SWT) being recited in a place where tourists of different faiths and cultural backgrounds came to visit was such a blessing; I felt an immense sense of peace and relief at being in a place where I could listen to the Quran freely. 

If I felt deeply connected to Islam in facing the relics of the past, my faith was even more rejuvenated by the many adventures I embarked on in Turkey. For instance, one day my family and I had decided to venture through the vast expanse of the Grand Bazaar. Covering over 61 streets, with more than 4,000 shops, this huge outdoor shopping market was not for the faint of heart. Equipped with water bottles, light clothes, and plenty of energy, we visited the many shops, exploring every corner of the marketplace. Exquisitely crafted glasswares, sparkling lamps, and intricately handcrafted rugs were among some of the many items we fawned over. Once, in a shop filled with rolled-up rugs, a group of kids dashed past me as they played a riveting game of tag, knowing the intricacies of the surrounding markets like the backs of their hands. I remember thinking, wow, this must be the biggest and most fun childhood playground. 

It was in one of the hijab shops of the Grand Bazaar that a man stopped us, hawking his wares. My parents, having experience with bargaining, took the lead in setting a low price. While they were haggling, my sister and I saw this gorgeous, shimmering cloth--a black and white hijab with sparkling silver thread embedded in its pattern. Immediately, we begged our mother to buy it for us. She tried her best to bargain but the man, with a knowing smile, kept insisting on a higher price. I leaned in to tell my mother to give up; I didn’t want to waste too much of our money or time. But then the man’s demeanor changed.

“Your daughters wear hijab?” He had noticed my sister and me, lingering in the periphery. My mother told him that we were the ones that had been so taken by the scarf. 

He was silent for a moment before he gave a resigned sigh and said,

“Because it is my opening day and I am happy they wear hijab, I give you two scarves for 20 lira, in the name of Allah.” Lira, the Turkish currency. My mother, sister, and I beamed at the owner, happily paid the cost and we left the shop with wide grins on our faces. 

It was only when we were browsing through other hijab shops and a shop owner refused to lower his prices for us, that my mom pulled out the scarves we had just bought and told him we had paid only 20 lira for them. The man, bewildered, said to us,

“I would not have given you these scarves unless it was for 50 lira.”

The kindness of the new shop owner has not left my heart since. I wear that scarf in public with pride and a strong sense of joy. It is often in Muslim countries that I feel the greatest sense of belonging--is it something in the air, I wonder? The halal food experience wherever I go? The ability to immediately drop everything, pray in any masjid on the street and not have to explain myself? The freedom that I have in expressing my religion--whether that is in the way that I dress or behave without it having to be a topic of contention or cause for any concern or any weird looks? Ultimately, I believe that it is because of the kindness of strangers and how they express that kindness always for the sake of Allah (SWT).

Konya was an altogether different experience. When we arrived at Konya, I was pleasantly surprised by the ambience of the city. Although the city boasted lofty skyscrapers it was much quieter. The people there were content with going with the flow, and the city paradoxically felt like being in the country. Imagine a small section of a busy city like Istanbul and take out most of the people: that was Konya. Sincere, approachable, open.  As we were checking into our hotel, my dad told the receptionist that we were very interested in Mevlana Rumi’s work. After hearing this, the receptionist gave us a free copy of the Mathnawi--a long poem that Mevlana Rumi wrote which is considered the most influential piece of Sufi literature. Once again, I was deeply touched by the kindness of strangers. As we toured around the city in a taxi, my parents used the Google Translate function in their phones to speak to the driver (who spoke very limited English). I can still remember the driver laughing at a mistranslated phrase but attempting to communicate with us anyway by giving us advice about the city’s most visited sites. 

My family visited Mevlana Rumi’s grave and The Mevlana Museum that had been constructed around it, which told the history of the Mevlana Whirling Dervishes and Rumi’s life. It was very inspiring to read the plaques in the museum and consider life from a Sufi perspective--where love for God is greater than anything. It was during this trip that I learned a lot more about Sufi figures such as Shams e Tabriz, Mevlana Rumi, and Rabia Basri. I had often heard of these role models growing up as my parents have always impressed upon me the utter devotion that one requires to follow the core tenets of Sufism. However, it’s an entirely different experience to be at the site where everything began for the Sufi branch of thought. When we were in the mausoleum, I remember looking around, taking a big, deep breath, and closing my eyes to really feel my surroundings, as if I could inhale the intense spirituality that originated in that very same spot. Hearing the stories of Mevlana Rumi’s life and the wisdom behind them was one thing, and experiencing the places in the stories was another. I stood in the center of the museum and imagined my footsteps matching those of a great scholar from the past. How hard must their life have been? What difficulties must they have faced when it came to their religion? And still, despite all of the struggles they faced, how strong was their love for Almighty God that they were able to persevere? Persevere and thrive to the point that their lives were told almost 750 years later, in whispers of amazement. 

Some of the most important elements of my faith now--such as a strong love for Allah (SWT) as opposed to only fear spurring my actions as a Muslim--come from exploring more about Sufism during my trip to Konya. I was able to read a fourth of the Mathnawi on our plane trip to Saudi Arabia and while I was in Konya, and was stunned by the beautiful prose with which Rumi declared his love for Allah (SWT). It suddenly brought into sharp perspective my own relationship with God. God is Great. He is the Most Kind and the Most Merciful. God is Loving. Gone were the harsh restrictions on my past self; I shook them off and emerged with a new perspective. One that I believe is fundamental for me to have in the society that I live in today. Yes, we are all slaves of Allah (SWT), but that does not imply a lack of love. Allah (SWT) loves us and that is why we are imposed with certain laws we must follow. With that distinct idea in mind, I was able to leave Turkey realizing that I sincerely felt happy following the actions dictated to me by my Ruler because they were borne out of love.

cover photo credit: https://line.17qq.com/articles/oeodgjfdz.html

Unveiling History: Islamophobia and France

written by sarah siddiqui

“Liberté, égalité, fraternité” (“freedom, equality, brotherhood”) is the national motto of France. The motto itself was developed during the Renaissance, the Golden Age of Europe. These three words highlight the cordial nature of France with its citizens. Contrary to its amicable nature in the past, France has blurred the lines of its motto. Recently, this motto has been proven to be a facade that masks the Islamophobic nature of France. France, a country that claims to grant its citizens freedom, equality, and brotherhood, has shown its impudence towards Islam and its Muslim citizens. 

French colonialism dates back to the 17th century across the globe, and France’s impudent attitude towards Islam has been deeprooted since its colonial period. France colonized numerous countries in North Africa, including Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco, since the 19th century. France maintained its control of Algeria from 1830-1962. Then, it controlled Tunisia from 1881-1956. Lastly, it controlled Morocco from 1912-1956. The pain and terror that the French colonizers inflicted upon the Muslims is shocking as they left Algeria in a chaotic and dilapidated state. Andrew Hussey, a writer for The Guardian, describes the first battle between the French colonizers and Algerian citizens with an illustrative description. He writes, “The Arab corpses that lay strewn in the streets and along the coastline were no more than incidental colour to the Parisian spectator watching the slaughter through opera glasses from the deck of his cruise ship.” French colonizers felt no remorse for the lives that were lost. Frantz Fanon, member of the National Algerian Liberation Front, revealed the French colonial doctrine in Algeria. “If we want to destroy the structure of Algerian society, its capacity for resistance,” written in the doctrine, “we must first of all conquer the women; we must go and find them behind the veil where they hide themselves and in the houses where the men keep them out of sight.” French colonizer shave explicitly stated that Islam was the crux of Algerian society and in order to destroy their society, they have made it their mission to ban the hijab and to exploit Muslim women. French colonizers believed it would be easier to seize control once Algerian Muslims had abandoned Islam. In an iconic French propaganda poster from the 1950s, French colonizers urged Muslim women to remove their veils so that they can show their beauty and be independent. The poster is written in French and translates to, “Are you not pretty? Unveil yourself!” This statement itself embodies oppression against Muslim women because they are being ridiculed for wearing the hijab and niqab. The French colonizers believe that beauty must be displayed and women shouldn’t cover their beauty. Modesty is an important ideal in Islam and Muslim women are expected to cover their beauty. If a Muslim woman chooses to cover herself with the hijab, then it doesn’t make her any less beautiful.

Figure 2: A 1950s French propaganda poster in Algeria, urging Muslim women to remove their veils 

On May 13, 1958, French colonizers held a public unveiling event in Algeria and encouraged many women to participate. During this event, French men removed and burned the veils of Muslim women, to celebrate the liberation of women. This was a disgusting act by French colonizers because they forced Muslims in Algeria to abandon their Islamic practices. French colonizers masked oppression with liberation, as they forcibly removed the veils of Muslim women. The hijab itself is such a powerful icon because it is a physical representation of Islam. For this reason, French colonizers endeavored to remove the hijab so that Muslim women could forget about the concept of modesty and devotion to their religion. Emmanuel Macron’s wife, Brigitte, supports this bigoted and distorted representation of Islam. She is encouraging the French government to ban the hijab and niqab as well because Muslim women look “too scary” when they wear them. The hijab is a veil that Muslim women wear to cover the head, neck, and chest. The niqab is a veil that covers the entire face, except for the eyes. The burqa is a veil that covers the face and body. Macron shares the same bigoted views as the French colonizers, as he attempts to “liberate” Muslims through his Islamophobic agenda.

Figure 3: Image of the four types of veils that Muslim women wear ( Left to Right): Niqab, Burqa, Chador, and Hijab

Following the footsteps of the French colonizers, Macron reformed his political agenda to eliminate Islamic practices in France. According to Al Jazeera, Macron labeled Islam as a religion in crisis and advocated for “Islamic Separatism” in October 2020. His response stemmed from the killing of Samuel Paty, a French teacher, who drew a caricature of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW). This is an extremely offensive and blasphemous act and many Muslims were outraged when France defended the caricature for promoting and publicizing those drawings. Many Muslim leaders and community members condemned the killing of Paty; however they also felt that France should not have disrespected Islam by promoting blasphemy. Macron refused to renounce this action by defending it as a form of freedom of expression and decided to take initiative for anti-Islamic policies. In his attempt to “liberate” Islam, Macron has masked blasphemy as freedom of speech. He supported the offensive drawings of the beloved Prophet in Islam, by labeling it as a freedom of expression. This is the beginning of Macron’s tribute to Samuel Paty, and he clearly describes Muslims in an offensive and negative light. He states, “This evening I won’t speak about the fight against political, radical Islamism, which leads to terrorism. I’ve said what I had to say. I’ve given the evil a name. We’ve decided what action to take, we’ve made it tougher and will complete it. I won’t talk about those who have made us associate his name with barbarians. By labeling Muslims as “barbarians,” and classifying Islam as “evil,” Macron has adopted the same ideology as the French colonizers, who’ve aimed to eradicate Islam and force Muslims to abandon their faith. Macron doesn’t acknowledge the fact that blasphemy has been condoned by the French government. Instead, he capitalizes on this incident to promote his anti-Muslim agenda and to emphasize the importance of freedom of expression. In response to his impudent speech on Islam, there has been a significant rise of Islamophobia in France. The Daily Sabah reports that there has been a 53% increase in the number of attacks against Muslims in 2020 since the previous year. The rise of Islamophobia in France is due to Macron’s anti-Islamic rhetoric.

Figure 4: A political cartoon depicting Emmanuel Macron’s Islamophobic agenda

Instead of condemning the flagrant behavior towards Islam, Macron plans to pass Islamophobic legislations which include the closure of masjids, prohibition of Islamic classes at the masjid, etc. These legislations are listed under the “Anti-Separatism Law,” which has been effective since December 9, 2020. This law was passed to commemorate the 115th anniversary of the Laicite Law in 1905. The Laicite Law essentially advocates for secularism, as it promotes the separation of church and state. Macron believes that these legislations will make France safer, as France begins its crackdown on terrorism. BBC News reports that Macron has already launched surveillance and “special checks” on masjids to promote Islamic separatism. Interior Minister, Gerald Dermanin wrote, “As per my instructions, the state services will be launching a massive and unprecedented action against separatism. 76 mosques suspected of separatism will be investigated in the coming days and those which must be closed, will be.” According to the MiddleEastEye, the Anti-Separatism Law includes forcing imams and Muslim institutions to sign a secular charter which ensures the acknowledgement of France’s secular law. Essentially, Imams, religious leaders in masjids, are prohibited from speaking openly about Islam and must promote French secularism. In addition, Muslim patients that refuse to be examined by a physician of the opposite sex will be fined 75,000 Euros. This legislation disregards the importance of modesty in Islam, in which a Muslim woman must be seen by a female physician. The Anti-Separatism Law has paved the way for the religious persecution of Muslims in France. Macron has discriminated against Muslims because he believes that Islam is a violent religion that stirs chaos in France. 

Muslims in France and the rest of the world are outraged by Macron’s hate speech against Islam. It is shocking to see that France has the audacity to pass a legislation that permits the religious persecution of Muslims. Muslim leaders across the world have responded to Macron’s Islamophobic speech. Turkey’s Prime Minister, Tayyip Erdogan, expressed his disdain for Macron’s policy and his agenda to secularize Islam. Erdogan ridiculed Macron for creating a hostile environment that prevents Muslims from practicing their faith. Erdogan advised Macron “to pay more attention while talking about issues that he is ignorant about. We expect him to act as a responsible statesman rather than act like a colonial governor.” It has become apparent that Macron is aligning his political agenda to the agenda of the French colonizers. In response to France’s Islamophobic attitudes, Muslims across the world have started a boycott on French products. Social media platforms are supporting this cause with the trend, #BoycottFrenchProducts. Many Muslim countries, like Jordan, have removed all traces of French products from their malls. Louis Vuitton, L’Oreal, Dior, Cartier, Lancome, are just a few of the many French brands that have seen a significant decline in their sales. BBC News revealed that France has urged Middle Eastern countries to revoke the boycott of French products.

Initially, the French Foreign Ministry didn’t view the boycott as a threat because they viewed it as a “baseless attempt pushed by a radical minority.” However, ever since the boycott has reached its apex on the social media circuit, France has received backlash and damage to its economy.

Figure 5: A list of French brands that have been banned in many Muslim countries

France needs to grant Muslims the freedom to practice their religion as they have allowed other religious groups. France has made it difficult for Muslims to practice their faith as they fear being attacked. Blasphemy can not be euphemized for the freedom of speech. France urged Muslim countries to revoke the French products ban because of the devastating impact it had on France’s economy. The French Ministry claims that "the positions defended by France [were] in favor of freedom of conscience, freedom of expression, freedom of religion and the refusal of any call to hatred." France has blurred the lines of freedom for its Muslim citizens. The French government has deemed it appropriate to ridicule and mock Islamic beliefs, but it is during this time of hardship that the Muslims in France must stay strong and hold on to their faith.

Yemen: Beyond the Proxy Lens

written by yehya abuzaid

illustrated by maryam ahmed

Iran and Saudi Arabia are some of the most influential regional players in the Middle East. Their competition throughout the region has led many observers to characterize their competition as a regional “cold war.” This “cold war” framework has mistakenly been used to characterize the worst humanitarian crisis in the world: the conflict in Yemen that has been raging since 2015. However, such a superficial understanding of the crisis in Yemen not only grossly oversimplifies this complex conflict, it illustrates the conflict as a Sunni-Shia divide rather than a domestic issue exacerbated by regional players. This falsely allows Saudi Arabia justification in its intervention on the grounds of fighting against Iranian encroachment, and this mischaracterization takes us further away from finding potential solutions to the conflict. Therefore, there is an urgent need to understand the war for the complex crisis that it is, instead of writing it off as a proxy war. The goal of this article is to illuminate the complex situation in Yemen by deconstructing the prevailing narrative, understanding the role of Iran, Saudi Arabia, and local actors, and revealing how this conflict has impacted the 30 million Yemenis in the country.

A Brief Overview of the Conflict

In 2014, the Houthi rebels in Yemen allied with former president Ali Saleh (who had been deposed by a revolution a few years prior) and took the capital, Sanaa. Many were stunned that an alliance between the Houthi and Saleh was even possible as he had previously launched six wars against the group while in office. Nonetheless, it appeared as though there were enough mutual interests to overlook their differences. With Saleh’s connections to the military and the Houthis’ fighting experience, the capital fell with ease and the government soon followed. They placed the then-president of Yemen, Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, under house arrest and forced him to resign, effectively leaving the Houthis and Saleh in control of the government. By 2015, Hadi fled to the Southern port city of Aden and the Houthis followed, taking provinces as they marched towards the city. By March, Saudi Arabia led a coalition—dubbed the “Saudi-led coalition”—at the invitation of Hadi’s government and declared war, initiating airstrikes and eventually sending ground troops. Since then, the conflict has metamorphosed into one of the most complex and horrific conflicts of this century. Saudi Arabia continues to back Hadi against the Houthis despite the stalemate. The Houthis themselves have consolidated their control over the north and killed off Ali Saleh for trying to turn on them in return for Saudi support. They have also developed their drone and missile program beyond what many had anticipated. The United Arab Emirates (UAE), a crucial player in the Saudi-led coalition, has armed and trained the Southern Separatists who fought against both Hadi’s troops and the Houthis. All of this is to say that the conflict is complex, and it will soon become apparent why a simple Saudi Arabia versus Iran explanation doesn’t do the conflict justice and only furthers the suffering of the Yemeni people.

The Problem With the Prevailing Narrative

The issue in seeing the conflict through a Saudi-Iranian lens is that it not only mischaracterizes the conflict, but it enables the war and actively prevents the international community from addressing the root causes. For example, when CNN states “Shiite-majority Iran and Sunni-dominated Saudi Arabia are locked in a strategic contest for influence across the Middle East. Now, the epic chess match has spread into Yemen, Saudi Arabia's southern neighbor” it gives the impression that the conflict is primarily based upon a sectarian divide. If that was indeed the case, it would appear logical that Sunni-majority Saudi Arabia would back the Sunnis and Shia-majority Iran would back the Houthis. While sectarianism does play a part, it is overshadowed by other more tangible concerns like resource management and political representation. Sectarianism didn’t stop Yemenis from protesting together during the Yemeni revolution in 2011 (which saw massive demonstrations against the government and successful overthrowing of the president). This dichotomy also fails to capture the fact that the Houthis are Zaidi, a sect within Shia Islam almost exclusive to Yemen and different from the one in Iran. Furthermore, few Sunnis are fighting on the basis of protecting Sunni Islam; many fight as part of complex tribal alliance systems, historical grievances, or political influence they would lose if the Houthis win. The other issue with this perception is that Iran is hardly involved in the conflict when being compared to Saudi Arabia or the UAE. Their involvement has been limited to small arms shipments and sending military advisors to Yemen (likely in an effort to help the Houthis develop sophisticated drone technology). This is minimal support when compared to the massive weapons deliveries, training, and diplomatic support Iran has given other groups like Hezbollah in Lebanon or militias in Iraq. In these cases, Iran took an active initiative in creating or propping up these forces.

By contrast, the Houthis fought the aforementioned six wars against the Saleh government in the 2000’s largely by themselves. Even then, US officials, in a leaked diplomatic cable from 2009, noted how the Yemeni government sought to mischaracterize them as Iranian proxies to gain more support from the US. When the Houthis took Sanaa in 2014, as mentioned earlier, US intelligence concluded Iran warned the group not to do so, and they proceeded to ignore the warning. More recently Brian Hook, the US State Department’s Iran envoy, stated that Iran “clearly does not speak for the Houthis” and highlighted the limited influence Iran has in the conflict. This only adds to reports made by the UN Panel of experts whose assessment reported that Iranian support is either relatively small or knowledge on the matter is inconclusive. All of this displays how the Houthi rebellion, as mentioned earlier, is an indigenous movement, and Iran’s role in the conflict is notable but not significant enough to warrant the lens of a proxy war or a regional cold war. However, this does not mean that Iran isn’t gaining anything from the war. In fact, the war has been very financially costly for Saudi Arabia with little investment from Iran. Furthermore, as Iran previously maintained friendly relations with the Houthis, the conflict has solidified an alliance that was very weak prior to the war. However, they did not seek to create this war in order to gain a foothold near Saudi Arabia. Instead, the war is largely the result of local tensions that became inflamed and regional players that militarily involved themselves in the conflict to secure their own interests at the expense of Yemen.

This perception of proxy war is more than just wrong, it is harmful. When people see the Houthis as agents of Iran, Saudi actions become easier to justify. This has been done to justify American arms deals and logistical support for Saudi Arabia to counter Iran. The truth is that the United States stands to gain billions off of weapons deals and wants to keep allies like Saudi Arabia close to maintain its position in the Middle East. An Iran cover story is convenient to enact policies that are difficult to justify and otherwise morally irreprehensible. That is why a deeper analysis is needed to understand the roots of the conflict and see the realpolitik of foreign policy.

An In-Depth Look

To understand what caused the war we must first understand the backdrop of the national context in Yemen prior to the war. The immediate roots took place in the aforementioned 2011 protests that overthrew Saleh’s corrupt and inefficient regime. The revolution’s success led to the National Dialogue, a forum to facilitate Yemen’s transition towards a new government and constitution within two years. The Dialogue eventually concluded, and it was agreed that Yemen was to be federalized into six regions to give autonomy to the many different communities in Yemen while also maintaining the integrity of the state. However, the exact demarcation of the new federations left many dissatisfied with the proposal (including the Houthis). To understand why they were not thrilled with the proposal, we must understand who the Houthis actually are.

The Houthi, who also call themselves Ansar Allah (but are referred to here as Houthis or Houthi for consistency with sources), are considered a movement of tribes primarily from the north of Yemen fighting against the central government. They are referred to as Houthis because of the prominence of the Houthi tribe within the movement, not because all of them are from the same tribe. As mentioned earlier, this movement strongly identifies with the Zaidi sect of Islam which has been present in Yemen for hundreds of years. It is important to note that Houthis do not follow religious leaders in Iran, and, politically speaking, they have remained autonomous in their decisions. Hence, it explains why the Houthis disregarded Iranian advice to not take the capital.

With this information in mind, it is clear why the Houthis objected to the new federalized system. Their federal unit left them with the Salafi community that they had been in conflict with for years. The Salafi community also had support from Saudi Arabia in the past because spreading Saudi ideology in Yemen was a method of gaining influence in the country. Thus, even though the wider conflict is not based on sectarian division, the existing tension between the Houthi and Salafi communities in certain areas contributed to the initial stages of the conflict. This new system also restricted their access to the sea, preventing important economic resources and shipping. This was vital as the Houthis had very little trust in the central government who feared their expansion. When taking into account that Yemen imports most of its food, it becomes evident how important access to shipping and ports are to any party in Yemen, especially one wary of the central government. Considering the group that had beaten the Yemeni army six times and was stronger than ever, it was difficult to see them settling for less power in any new arrangement.

While there were issues with the National Dialogue, it still remains unclear exactly why the Houthis chose to march into Sanaa rather than take another course of action. Perhaps the plan was to extend Hadi’s transitional government beyond the two year timeframe. Or, it could be that local dynamics we are not aware of motivated the coup. It is important, however, to note that the Houthis did not call for the domination of Yemen as it was unlikely they could realistically govern such a divided political landscape. Instead, it is likely that they wanted to strengthen their hand in any future government to secure their interests by asserting their power, likely at the expense of other parties in the country.

Even though the Houthis had reasonable grievances, it does not justify taking over the entire government and unfairly excluding other groups from governance. The fact of the matter is that nearly every group in Yemen had a reason to be dissatisfied and believed their needs were not being adequately addressed. Though this is true, it does not mean any group had the right to take over the government. The Houthi decision to form an alliance of convenience with former president Saleh was particularly hypocritical considering their cause is centered around combating corruption—something Saleh was infamous for. Their decision to take the capital alienated many groups and initiated a new phase in the conflict that allowed foreign players to directly intervene with military power.

It is clear that Iran’s influence is limited and the origins of the conflict are largely domestic. Yet, there remains a key question to answer: if the war has been costly for Saudi Arabia and the war is not about Iran, then why is Saudi Arabia in Yemen? Former United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process and current UC Berkeley Professor Peter Bartu viewed the timing of the war as a diversion away from the internal takeover. Dr. Bartu explained in an interview for this piece that “to understand external decisions you look internally to the domestic affairs of a nation and that is the case with Saudi Arabia in Yemen.” This refers to the fact that, at the same time as events in Yemen began unfolding, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia died and King Salman and his son Crown Prince Mohamed bin Salman (MbS) succeeded him. As the new King began consolidating power, he continued to give important positions to MbS, thus leaving other family branches out of power. The war in Yemen served as a diversion away from this internal power struggle.

There is another, more simple, factor at play: inexperience. In 2015 MbS was the youngest Minister of Defence in the world and was already facing a major foreign policy crisis. The Saudis traditionally enjoyed some influence in Yemen but now the Houthis, who resented the Saudis for their involvement in Saleh’s wars in the 2000’s, were the strongest power in Yemen. MbS’ lack of experience is evident as reports indicate he believed the war would end in six weeks—an obvious miscalculation considering the aforementioned six wars against Saleh and the Saudi air force. From his perspective, a six week campaign against the Houthis would not only divert attention away from his consolidation, but also instate a loyal government in Yemen that could secure Saudi interests in the region. For instance, a loyal Yemeni government could ensure strategic locations such as the Bab el-Mandeb Strait by allowing Saudi Arabia to militarize it and protect the flow of Saudi oil through the waterway. Instead, MbS is left with missile attacks over his country, attacks on oil shipments, and a costly war that has been dubbed “Saudi Arabia’s Vietnam.”

The Humanitarian Costs

Talk about Yemen is scant in American media. If it is covered it is likely to remind the public that Yemen is, and has been for years, the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. Millions are on the brink of starvation, diseases like Cholera wreak havoc, airstrikes have led to massive civilian casualties, and there are millions of internally displaced people. This is the making of all sides acting with impunity and falsely believing that the ends justify the means.

Though the Houthis are an indeginous movement they, like the Saudi-led coalition, are willing to violate the rights of Yemenis both militarily and politically. The Houthis have used mines in civilian zones, indiscriminately shelled cities, abducted civilians, and have widespread corruption. The Houthi takeover in 2014 represented a shift from dialogue to armed intimidation in moving forward with Yemen’s transition. It is true that the transitional government had many issues such as corruption and ineffectiveness, but the Houthi decision solved nothing and exacerbated everything. Their willingness to accept Ali Saleh as a partner displays how their fight against corruption was, and still is, disingenuous. The Houthi saw an opportunity, and, though their motivations remain unclear, they allowed political opportunism to blind them to the needs of Yemen.

The Saudi-led coalition, for it’s part, has systematically destroyed Yemen with horrendous long term consequences. The airstrikes have not only led to absurdly unjustifiable civilian casualties occuring away from any military targets, but they have also destroyed much of Yemen’s vital infrastructure. Coupled with the use of double tap strikes—attacking the same area twice to target rescue crews when they begin saving survivors—it becomes clear that airstrikes fail to take precautions to mitigate civilian casualties. A nationwide blockade has led to the increased costs of goods, leading to reports of many starving to death as well as stunting the growth of thousands of malnourished children. Currently, if the war were to stop in 2019, Yemen’s development would be set back by over twenty years. Additionally, the deaths caused directly and indirectly by the war would stand at 230,000, largely due to the blockade and airstrikes. Under present circumstances, if the war continues for another decade, nearly two million would be dead, and Yemen’s development would be pushed back by another forty years. It is no wonder why a recent United Nations Development Program report determined that Yemen is on track to becoming the poorest country in the world.

However it does not end there. The destruction of cultural sites, environmental damage, and the psychological cost of war will continue to scar Yemen for decades to come. If the international community had the willingness and ability to effectively prosecute war criminals, no side of the Yemen conflict would leave untouched.

Conclusion

This war has been raging for years and the uselessness of military intervention has become apparent. What has also become evident is that this conflict is incredibly complex and does not boil down to a simple proxy war. While Iran certainly supports the Houthis in whatever capacity they can, it's frequently overstated. This misconception about the nature of the war gives the Saudi-led Coalition a cover for their actions—casting the Houthis as puppets of Iran and portraying the intervention as necessary to counter their regional rival. The reality is that the current situation is the product of policies in place by Ali Saleh, Hadi, MbS, and Houthi leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi. The proxy war misconception results in the belief that the solution to the crisis lies in pressuring Iran or Saudi Arabia to end their support for the warring sides as though local actors have no say or responsibility.

While the situation remains bleak, there is hope that the warring sides have realized the futility of war. There have been reports of direct and indirect talks between the Saudis and Houthis and signs that the United States may finally be serious in promoting an end to the conflict. As the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Yemen stated, “We're beginning to 16 see in the hearts and minds of those who make decisions about the war, the desire to make peace and the recognition at a fundamental level that there is no prospect for military advantage; that there is nothing to be won on the battlefield, and that there is a huge victory, of course, to be made in the terrain of negotiation.” If the warring sides face the reality that a military solution is too costly both for themselves and the population the war may actually end. But, if the systemic policies that led to the war are perpetuated, it will be impossible to prevent another war and achieve long lasting stability in a country that desperately needs it.

Works Cited

“A Year on from Yemen Talks Breakthrough, Top UN Envoy Hails 'Shift' towards Peace, despite Setbacks | UN News.” United Nations News. United Nations, December 13, 2019.

Anderson, Scott R. “Where Trump's Veto Leaves the Yemen Resolution.” Brookings. Brookings, April 18, 2019.

Al-haj, Ahmed. “Saudi Arabia, Yemen's Houthi Rebels in Indirect Peace Talks.” AP NEWS. Associated Press, November 13, 2019.

Al-Muslimi, Farea. “Tensions Rise between Yemen's Saleh and Hadi.” Al-Monitor, April 11, 2018.

Barden, Justine. “U.S. Energy Information Administration - EIA - Independent Statistics and Analysis.” The Bab el-Mandeb Strait is a strategic route for oil and natural gas shipments - Today in Energy - U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA). U.S Energy Energy, Information Administration, August 27, 2019.

Glazebrook, Dan. “The War in Yemen: A Modern-Day Vietnam for the Saudi-Led Coalition.” Middle East Eye, March 28, 2018.

Moyer, Jonathan D, Taylor Hanna, David K Bohl, and Brendan R Mapes. “PDF.” New York, 2019.

Nichols, Michelle. “Saudi Coalition Violated Law with Yemen Funeral Strike: U.N. Monitors.” Reuters. Thomson Reuters, October 20, 2016.

Rozen, Laura. “In Shift, State's Hook Says Yemen's Houthis Independent from Iran.” Al-Monitor, December 6, 2019.

Seche, Stephen. “Submit Documents to WikiLeaks.” Cable: 09SANAA2186_a. Wiki Leaks, December 9, 2009.

Slavin, Barbara. “US Maintains Intelligence Relationship with Houthis.” Al-Monitor, September 13, 2018.

Watkins, Ali, Ryan Grim, and Akbar Shahid Ahmed. “Iran Warned Houthis Against Yemen Takeover.” HuffPost. HuffPost, April 20, 2015.

“Yemen: Coalition Blockade Imperils Civilians.” Human Rights Watch, July 24, 2019.

Islamic influences on American Music

words | hasan azam

The following piece forms a discussion on the history of Muslim musicians in the West.

Growing up in the 21st century, I was constantly surrounded by all kinds of music, ranging from hip hop to pop to rock. I remember my cousin downloading songs onto his original iPod from Napster and singing aloud to hits like Taio Cruz’s Dynamite and Linkin Park’s What I’ve Done. As I grew older and began to take an interest in the artists behind the songs on the radio, I realized that none of the artists represented the same background that I came from. Although these things don’t necessarily impact the art made by these people, a little representation can go a long way, especially for a little Muslim boy, the American child of Pakistani immigrants. I wanted to be able to see myself in my favorite artists, the same way that my friends did.

When I was nearing the end of my time in elementary school, I discovered two artists that really started providing the representation that I had wanted. The first of these was rapper Lupe Fiasco. I remember hearing him rap in Words I Never Said, saying “Jihad is not holy war, where’s that in the worship? Murdering is not Islam and you are not observant. And you are not a Muslim”. Just hearing him say these words, confronting stereotypes and being proud of his religion had a very big impact on me growing up. The second artist that I really saw myself in was One Direction, specifically Zayn Malik. Here was a young Pakistani guy who was in the biggest boyband in the world. One Direction infection had spread throughout the school, and I relished in the fact that Zayn had skin like mine, and that his favorite food was samosas, just like my mom would make. I had finally discovered the people I had been looking for: the artists that looked like me; that followed the religion that I did.

At the time, it seemed to me that these artists were anomalies. I thought that Muslims making it big in music was a relatively recent phenomenon, and that we were piggybacking off the contributions of others. I thought that the few Muslims I saw in the music industry were following musical trends set by others, rather than setting trends themselves. However, as I’ve grown older, I now know that this couldn’t be further from the truth. Muslims have been an integral part of American popular music since its inception in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

One of the first wholly American styles of music to gain traction and recognition across the world was blues music, developed in the American South by African slaves, many of whom were Muslim. An estimated 30% of African slaves brought to America were Muslim, so it makes sense that they would use the Islamic influences in their daily lives to contribute to African American music and culture. Blues music is heavily influenced by “field holler” songs, sung by the slaves as they worked in the fields. The Muslim slaves added their own flair to their field holler songs, with African diaspora historian Sylviane Douf describing the way they sang “words that seem to quiver and shake” as very reminiscent of the athan, or Islamic call to prayer.

After blues, the next evolution in American popular music was jazz. As jazz took off in the early 20th century, America was racially divided, and segregation created a harsh reality for many upcoming artists. As such, many jazz musicians converted to Islam and adopted Arab names to avoid being discriminated against for having traditionally African American names. One such artist was Yusef Lateef, jazz saxophonist and close friend of the legendary John Coltrane. Other jazz musicians traveled to Africa and rediscovered the Muslim religion of their ancestors, bringing it back with them to America. Notable examples of these include Lynn Hope and multiple-time Grammy award winner Art Blakey. They were well-documented to have been devout and practicing Muslims while still pursuing their jazz careers. According to a 1953 article in the Ebony Times, Hope was known to have been frequently “shooed away by police for prostrating Mecca-ward in public parks”.

With their roots in the disco and R&B of the 70’s, hip hop and rap burst onto the music scene in the late 1980’s and especially the 1990’s. One of the biggest Muslim hip hop artists of the 1980’s was Rakim, regarded by many as the greatest emcee of all time. He was followed by the hip hop collective A Tribe Called Quest, whose founding members Q-Tip and Ali Shaheed Muhammad were Muslims. At the turn of the 1990’s, the most controversial group in America was NWA, whose founding member Ice Cube described himself as being a Muslim.

Given the continued popularity of hip hop and rap in America, it should come as no surprise that there are still a couple Muslim artists that are popular in the present day. Perhaps the biggest of these at the moment is DJ Khaled, famous for riding jet skis and giving everyone major keys to success. He has multiple hits under his belt, including I’m the One, Wild Thoughts, and No Brainer. Lupe Fiasco, who was one of the artists who inspired my search for Muslims in American music, is another example of a Muslim hip hop artist making it big, with famous songs such as The Show Goes On, and Battle Scars. Although not American, Zayn Malik still is popular in America as a successful solo artist, having recently released his sophomore album. Another popular Muslim artist is YUNA, a rising singer who has collaborated with Beyonce and Usher.

Outside of the mainstream, there have also been smaller music scenes heavily influenced by Muslims and Islam. As I entered high school, I became very interested in counterculture and punk movements and learned about New York’s burgeoning “Taqwacore” music scene. The word taqwa is Arabic for being conscious or fearful of god, and the suffix -core comes from hardcore punk. These bands write very political songs, often with messages discussing the war on terror and islamophobia. One thing that I found very intriguing about this music scene in particular is that, although most American Muslim musicians have been of African descent, the Taqwacore scene is composed almost entirely of Pakistani-Americans and Caucasian Muslim converts.

Muslims have always been a part of America’s “Melting Pot", and that includes the melting pot that is the music industry. My hope is that more of these Muslim artists in the industry get recognized as Muslim, and that this representation allows more Muslim Americans to connect to their musical history and legacy.

photos | mahum kudia and wardah seedat

Fajr noreen baloch

author | baloch

photo creds | sania elahi

as the dawn rolls around my ankles

washing the moonlight out of my eyes

i say

Alhamdulillah

it is the faintest whisper

so hushed

i barely hear it myself

my devotion and i rise like that

it is a quiet pact

there is nobody but us

this is how we wake

each day

a secret promise

to the Creator

Fabricated Truth

words | aamna haq

The following piece forms a discussion on the profound impact of reading stories.

The first time I went to a library is still a vivid memory: my mother grasped my first-grade fingers and led me through the titles before stopping at Cam Jansen, Henry and Mudge, and Frog and Toad. That was the start of my fanatical, vehemently one-sided love affair with stories.

I devoured the characters and their stories. Reading was dreaming and any sense of the outside world was lost. I completely zoned out until it was just me and the words. I embarked on the challenge of Harry Potter in the fifth grade, and absolutely bugged my parents to let me read the fourth book in the series. The situation was desperate, it was essential to know what happened next — what was Wormtail going to do?

I wasn’t allowed to read it.

It was bewildering, one of the most perplexing moments of my ten years. My parents balked at the size of the book and something seemed to click for them. What exactly was I reading?

The answer lies in the word ‘story’. Stories are read for entertainment; it’s a passive process. I simply read for fun — in all honesty, I wasn’t analyzing literary technique or the underlying theme. As a matter of fact, I was racing to the epilogue.

There was no active thought on my end — all I had to do was keep reading and the answers would emerge. I wasn’t discovering the intricacies of human nature; I was breathing in the words like they were oxygen, often flitting pages and skimming to reach the denouement.

A conflict was beginning to emerge. My parents’ wanted me on a strict diet of nonfiction and textbook academia, but I couldn’t help but be drawn back to fantasies and illusions. Traitorous thoughts lodged themselves in the back of my head — was I just wasting my time? The countless hours I spent flipping to the end of a story were filled with anticipation and excitement, but when I got to the end, my wonder and curiosity dissipated into nothingness.

The emotions I felt while the story built up...were they insignificant?

I’ve thoroughly contemplated this issue and have come to a point where I can say that it is a shame that I even considered that I was wasting time at all. Although I don’t actively read to find a specific meaning, I am not disregarding sensation and feeling. I am still absorbing and understanding a different kind of information.

When I’m reading, I indulge in humor; I become indignant; I get (lots of) secondhand embarrassment.

I feel.

It makes me human. Stories grant me ranges of emotion and I memorialize those sensations. If I don’t understand what the author intends or if I can’t tell the literary ‘significance’ of a scene, it hardly matters to me. I wasn’t made to solve others’ mysteries; I was made to solve mine.

So the next time I read a book just for fun, I understand to enjoy it for what it is. Simply a story.

photos | mahum kudia

A Day at the Pumpkin Patch - A Travelogue and Photo Essay

Threads Spooky Sunday Edition:

A Day at the Pumpkin Patch - A Travelogue and Photo Essay

words | firdausi sudarmadji

‘Tis the new season!

Every season brings a different version of myself. With the chillier weather and cozy vibe, Fall season definitely brings a beautiful kind of atmosphere. One of the essentials of getting into the autumnal spirit is paying a visit to the mecca for cute toddler and millennial pictures: the pumpkin patch!

After researching the best pumpkin patches in the San Francisco Bay Area, my dear friend and I decided on exploring Clancy’s Pumpkin Patch in San Francisco. Packed in the streets, Clancy’s was chock-full of pumpkins, crawl mazes for kids (I admit, I did go through), and even a hay ride!

Read on to taste a flavor of my trip to the pumpkin patch to get further into the fall mood.

After stepping out of our Uber, we were engulfed in the chilly San Francisco weather. We could see the fog slowly creeping in. As we walked through the gates of Clancy’s, the “Rules of the Pumpkin Patch” and an eyeful of bright orange pumpkins greeted our sight.

Petrifying scarecrows and delightful cornhusks decorated the surrounding poles, which acted as great photo ops for millennials! One could also grab a wheelbarrow to carry all the different-sized pumpkins, or pose with them for Instagram.

The variety of pumpkins onsite was astonishing; anyone could easily find what they were looking for. From large pumpkins for carving purposes, to cute, tiny ones for decorating tables and window sills, it was easy to find the perfect pumpkin that suited your needs!

The spooky decorations, especially the tombstones for the hayride - which reminded me of the Haunted Mansion ride at Disneyland - made us giggle. Such fun!

Other charming/worthwhile attractions included turkeys that the children at the patch were overwhelmingly ecstatic about. Hopefully they won’t end up as someone’s Thanksgiving meal….

As we headed out, the lights switched on, which prompted Aishah to return to the patch; she simply had to take photos of the lights against the incoming fog. The results were, in one word, beautiful.

I hope my day at the pumpkin patch put you in the fall atmosphere! Although the patch was quite small in size and we spent a solid thirty minutes checking out the gorgeous pumpkins and attractions, the trip was most certainly worth it. Indeed, it put us both in the festive spirit and breeded a sense of acceptance for the end of the old season.

So take a trip to Clancy’s Pumpkin Patch, grab a delicious holiday drink at Peet’s Coffee, listen to “Autumn Vibes” playlists on Spotify, or simply watch and appreciate the trees in front of your dorm change into vibrant shades of orange, yellow, and brown. Marvel at the gorgeous Halloween holiday season unfolding ahead of you.

photos | aishah mahmud and sania elahi

Flamenco in My Veins

Islam as a Social Order in the West

Islam as a Social Order in the West

words | kauser adenwala

The following piece forms a personal reflection on how the writer views Islamic principles, virtues, and values existing in a secular world, in the Western hemisphere today. In this riveting article, the author asks questions that she ponders about daily and endeavors to offer a reason behind why our Islamic society is not where we want it to be in any form –– whether that be politically, socially, economically, or culturally.

I’ve often pondered on the attention that Islamic revivalism receives because of Islam’s ability to provide a code of social and individual behavior and development in a myriad of fields. I’ve thought about how Islam, in all its glory, could have prevented colonialism and imperialism from flourishing; how the race superiority complex, capitalism, communism, and fascism would never have been born had Islamic society continued to play the humanitarian role it did in the early centuries; how Islam in its purest form is the best countermeasure for the aforementioned debacles. Alluding to the history of colonialism and imperialism, the West has a habit of usurping credit for whatever good practices exist in the world.

How does Western liberalism, existentialism and religion interlace? Why does it seem as if there is no definitive answer? Why is religion often to blame for historically ingrained wars and how does that affect the way religion is viewed today in Western society?

I draw parallels between the West today and the Byzantine empire in the early 7th century –– for instance, how Muslims rejoiced at the defeat of the Romans and how today, Muslims are viewed as opponents of Western ideologies and norms. It’s fascinating to connect the two powerful empires, head-to-head in a war that had holy cities at stake, to the secular world that exists today. This domain of unabridged roads, linking monumental phenomena in history keeps me awake at night. How do we go about explaining the history of colonialism and imperialism, without the West relapsing back to its habit of expropriating credit for achievements and practices that evidently do not belong to them?

I don’t think I can easily find definitive answers to my questions, but what I do know is that Islam developed a new civilization, a new culture, a new philosophy of life. The Ottoman empire’s conquest of Islam throughout the terrains of the Mediterranean brought about reforms in Western culture embedded in modern years, even if the fifteenth-century medievalism was regarded as a barrier. The balanced forces of Islam produced trends of assimilation with territories conquered and emphasized that spiritual nationality knows no geographical boundaries. Islam as a social order has endured a moral philosophy with special concentration to the absolute truth as well as the relative truths –– a philosophy of dynamic spiritualism and materialism. Regarding materialism, the modern materialistic civilization will, of course, try to restore the lost foundations of purpose and spirituality through an Islamic lens, but yet somehow, materialism is still the one aspect Islam seems to fall back on to restore the foundational principles in today’s society. This underlying segregation of religion from progress has made us forget that our limited powers are derived from Allah (SWT). The pursuit of power, possession, and material acquisition throughout history and today, especially in the West, has put us at a crossroad with cohabitation. However, cohabitation isn’t the only issue; there is also the case of our nafs (soul) and our willingness to turn towards our own hearts, asking for true answers from Allah. Abu Hamid Al-Ghazali, one of the most prominent Islamic theologians who lived in the eleventh century, once said, “Never have I dealt with anything more difficult than my own soul, which sometimes helps me and sometimes opposes me.”

I think of Islamic society in the West like the moon. The first phase of the moon starts off as a crescent, which can be compared to how Islamic principles tended to vary in the early stages. Once the crescent starts to become brighter and more luminous on its journey to the glistening full moon stage, gleaming streaks of light of a new order in Islamic society gradually unfold. These phases carry on in an incessant cycle of differing levels of luster, the current crescent showing us that we have work to do –– our nafs to overcome –– in order to attain the full moon.

photos | wardah seedat

"They will question thee concerning the new moons. Say, "They are appointed times for the people, and the Pilgrimage." - Quran, 2:189

Can You Be a Part-Time Hijabi?

Can You Be a Part-Time Hijabi?

words | hana qwfan

With the rise of Muslim influencers in the media - from Instagram to Vogue to CNN - comes the term “part-time hijabi”. “Part-Time Hijabi” is the new label that Muslims on the Internet use to refer to Muslim women who wear the hijab one day and take it off the next, or who completely cover their hair in one instance but switch to a sheer look with bangs in another. Is this term demeaning? Does it act as a backhanded reference, or as a way to distinguish a Muslim woman’s degree of modesty? Could the hijab itself function as a binary symbol, or is there gray matter to interpret regarding the “part-timers” that many Muslim women are referred to as today? Ultimately, what does this part-time status entail, and is it significantly different for those who adorn the normal ‘extremes’ of the hijab,’ of either always wearing it or never wearing it at all?

        At first, I planned to enter this discussion with the simple answer of “yes!” However, as I ruminated on the topic more, I realized that the real answer is no: one cannot be a part-time hijabi.

        The hijab, the Muslim headscarf, is an undoubtedly important - and the majority will regard as an essential - act of worship. The Holy Quran mentions the importance of a woman’s modesty, in Surat Al-Nur, with the verse:

“... and not display their beauty except what is apparent, and they should place their veils over their bosoms...” (24.31)

        Without translation, the term “khumur” can be used to describe some sort of veil or covering. While the word is debated frequently among scholars on if this pertains to the veil around the head (the headscarf), there are clear directions given for women to dress modestly. But with the act of modesty, there is the requirement of intention, compassion, and sacrifice. There have been days, for example, when I have worn the hijab out of routine instead of deliberate intention. I questioned my act of worship. At the same time, I remember my commitment the very first day I began wearing the hijab. I woke my sister up as I was getting ready for school, and told her to help me put it on. I ended up taking it off half-way through the day, but, nevertheless, it was my decision and intention that made it an act of worship.

        We have all heard of the term “part-time hijabi” to signify a woman who wears a headscarf for only a partial amount of time, whether that be whenever she is in public, or within the private sphere of her own home. However, the actual worship behind the wardrobe cannot be something one partially invests in. The hijab is defined as a barrier or shield, referred to in the Holy Quran a total of seven times, which can be taken in the context of not only physical but also metaphorical barriers. It is a guard that every Muslim is required to adorn themselves with in order to keep their duties to Allah (SWT). The obligations of the hijab encompass much more than a mere dress code: they include respect in every glance and gaze as well as grace in every mannerism one adopts and behaves with, for the purpose of testing one’s character to its purest limits. In other words, the hijab represents a manifestation of one’s hayaa (modesty), as it is important for us Muslims to embrace this life with both love and humility.

If an individual is wearing the hijab with the right intentions, he or she is performing a faithful act of committed worship. If that same individual abides by all of the tenets that the hijab comprehends but has external factors that motivate the action, then, in the end, the hijab is not an incarnation of worship. The most common external factor most Muslims know of is the cultural peer pressure that stems from the family and local Muslim community. And although cultural, communal, and familial bonds are important, the reality is that they have no place in swaying one’s religion.

        The hijab is a ritual: it is an ongoing action, an incredibly rewarding journey. For those whose parents immigrated from an Islamic country, most of them would most likely recall seeing photos or hearing stories of their parents in their early years in America (or any other country with a Westernized culture) with sheer fabric, tight clothing from the 70s, or stylish bangs undulating out of their head caps and sequined hijabs. My parents, for example, told me that everything that they have worked so hard for in the U.S. was for the benefit of their own parents, and the reason why they did so was ultimately for the purpose of serving God. No one ridiculed them for their assimilation to the US - not even their families back home - because everyone was aware that my parents were becoming part of a brand new - and uncomfortably foreign - world. In the 70s, not many average Americans had an opinion on Muslims, let alone know the doctrine of Islam.

        Yet today, everyone has an opinion on Muslims - and one that is dogmatically so. In a post 9/11 world, it’s no secret that hijabi women are easily targeted for the increasing rise in Islamophobic hate crimes. To many of us, this is not only a brand new world: it is our only world. Nonetheless, we all somehow form opinions on a particular sister’s clothing, her absence/presence of a hijab on certain days of the week, or her choice to leave her hair exposed for the world to see. Does this make her a “part-time hijabi”?

The term itself reduces the complexity of each particular case and antagonizes Muslims (specifically Muslim women) against each other. A woman may not wear a hijab due to the high anxiety levels it creates, such as from memories of a terrorist attack in the media.  She may also abstain from it due to the entire family’s coercion for her to temporarily ‘put it on pause’ for safety measures. Or perhaps the sister simply wishes for a clear heart and pure intention to be present when she does decide to start wearing one, so that she can rest assured, knowing that she’s fulfilling its true purpose: to satisfy an act of worship to Allah (SWT).

        The hijab is required for all Muslims. However, it’s worthwhile to recognize that all Muslims are still on the journey of bettering their way to worship Allah (SWT). When our fundamental belief and trust in God - when our imaan (our faith) - is constantly being challenged, it remains critical to reflect on our genuine intentions. And, in hard times such as the current political climate we all live in, shaped by the Trump Muslim Ban and increasing Islamophobia, both globally and nationally, it is also crucial to keep in mind that we must all be there for each other. Hence, if I have communicated any message that seems wrong or appears disingenuous, then please sincerely excuse my ignorance. I still have a lot to learn through this journey in this precarious and transient dunya (world).

photos | sania elahi

Cookery

Poetry at Threads: Cookery

words | aamna haq

Learning to cook is part of growing up. The way it is taught is a crucial way for a family to connect; it fosters a better relationship. Although the conscious act of cooking has no clear connotation, the setting and demeanor in which it is done elucidates quite a lot about gender roles and so-called familial duties.

---

I scrape at my mother’s fingers

flakes of flour drift in the air

She’s been cooking

Her fingers are powerful

As she kneads her frustrations

into the dough of the roti

That she makes with

meticulous proportions

of oil, salt and water

She rolls her dough

into perfect circles

With glorious rounded edges

That I still cannot emulate

Even after all my years

Under her tutelage

At twelve years old

She ripped me from the pages

Of my Harry Potter story

And dragged me to the kitchen

Just woken up

and still in my pajamas

She taught me how to make a roti

It was dry, crisp, boxy, and burnt;

I failed

Again, she said and I did it again

Swallowing her criticisms

And suppressing my anger

At having to do the menial work.

It did not occur to me that my mother

Would also feel this irritation

Of having to cook

For a home

Of ungrateful fools

While nursing her knees and her back

And dirtying her hands

So that we would not go hungry

Her efforts are easily disregarded

As she places the food on the table

And it is gone within a few moments

A stark contrast to the time

She spent hunched over,

Begging her body to give her strength

I take it all for granted

Her labor and her effort

And her sacrifices

---

My mother’s back

And her knees

And her resolve

Took a hit one day

She lay on the floor

Immobile

My brothers and I

Waiting in the car

Key in the ignition

For the next few days

She spent her time

In a white gown

While my father

Attempted to feed us

He tried.

His roti was worse than mine

Charred at the edges

Brittle and too thin

I remember joking with him

And he laughed it off

After all, this wasn’t his job

---

Over time

I was able to perfect

The art

My father has

Improved - slightly.

Not really

My mother

Subdues her pain

And carries on

Catharsis

Catharsis

words | anonymous

Why does one only realize what one has until it is gone? One should continuously notice the little things in life and reflect on the impact that they have on our wellbeing. They are what provide comfort and relief in our otherwise hectic lives. To stop and appreciate them is a form of necessary self-assurance.

---

“Enjoy the little things, for one day you may look back and realize they were the big things.”
- Robert Brault

I’m crouched on my chair and there’s some music pounding in my left ear. My fingers are gingerly grasping a pencil poised above some calculus problems, and my laptop screen is brightly lit. It’s 2 AM, my eyes are drooping, my gum is stale, and I’m not paying attention. My mind is elsewhere. My thoughts are flying around and they’re not pretty. They accumulate to the extent that I can’t think of anything else.

There’s so, so much wrong with you. How are you going to fix anything? Your future...

This feeling of being overwhelmed comes from something that throws you completely off balance. It probably stems from just one insignificant thing but it opens an entire ocean of pessimism. It makes you feel like everything has changed and you felt it creep up on you but you didn’t truly realize it’s impact until you started to hyper-analyze everything. You can't stop thinking about how it'll get worse and there’s absolutely nothing you can do to fix it. Everything bad about your life accumulates in your thoughts and smacks you in the face, and you feel like you’re a moldy, rotten shell of what you used to be. It’s overwhelming.

In cases like this, it’s easy to think that I’m the only person in the world; after all, I can only be trapped in my own mind - no one else’s. My mind is a thrilling and dangerous place; it can take me on wonderful adventures or it can damage my self-esteem until I don’t know how to fix it.

I’m not exactly the nicest person to myself. More often than not, my head is loaded with wistful and nostalgic musings; I wish for things I cannot have. My thoughts get tangled in insecurities and I find myself swimming, drowning, in negative contemplations. It’s blinding; a thick veil is placed over my head, and I can’t easily find my way out.

However, I have tools that can lift me out of my despair. Granted, pessimism always finds a way to slip back in, but at least these privileges make me understand that in the grand scheme of life, whatever adversity I am going through is not permanent. Furthermore, it’s my choice to allow such thoughts to dominate my life in the first place or to look for the silver lining. I remind myself to notice the little things because the little things are my ultimate saviors.

My healing begins with observing small kindnesses - small kindnesses are what keep my sanity intact. They can come from the most unimportant of actions, such as arbitrary small talk or even smiles from strangers. Recently, I was running late to class and boarded an overcrowded bus. An elderly woman with wispy silver hair and a wrinkly face smiled at me and gestured to the seat next to her. It was a simple action and she probably didn’t think too much of it, but it made my whole day.

If that fails, I look to humor for distraction - something to make me forget. As long as I have something to laugh at, my entire demeanor changes. At this point, I’ve already forgotten why I wasn’t feeling well in the first place. Ultimately, laughter is the best medicine.

Lastly, a method for me to confront the pessimism in my head is to attain tranquility. Sometimes I need to be alone in order to try to filter out bad thoughts. I reach this tranquility when I pray Fajr (the early morning prayer for Muslims) in total darkness while all my roommates are fast asleep. It happens when I watch the colors of sunset fade from a vivid gold to a hazy orange and a waning red to a midnight blue. It happens when I lean my head out of the window and gaze at the bright stars against the beautiful backdrop of the sky. It happens when I listen to the rain pour relentlessly onto the ground. It happens when I simply have the ability to feel undeniably alive. It’s these things that I need to appreciate more. They make me feel calm and put my soul at peace.

To preserve these feelings of peace, all I truly need to do is to understand the real reason why I’m here. I need to understand that I must not let any irrelevant feelings weaken my resolve. I should live my life without regrets; I should learn and love and think and breathe, but I must not forget my purpose.

Finally, I should know that I will always have one person to always want the best for me - my mother. Altogether, these resources should help lead to my own self-acceptance.

With that, I can do anything.

photos | sania elahi

Threads Political Perspectives: Community Activism

Threads Political Perspectives:
Community Activism: Muslims Don’t Take Enough Action

words | kauser adenwala

The following piece is a personal reflection meant to facilitate discussion on critical issues that most Muslim communities across the West often do not ponder upon. The intention in mind is to prompt Muslim dialogue on social activism in order for us to view it as a necessary and imperative Islamic and civic obligation.

---

Philando Castile. Charleena Lyles. Sandra Bland. Michael Brown. Eric Garner. Stephon Clark. Alton Sterling.
 

Each name represents black individuals who were killed by racist institutions that solely aim to disparage and slander black people. When our black brothers and sisters fall victim to this heinous injustice, Black Lives Matter activists are the ones that speak up. Yet most Muslims who are also marginalized in the West often do not choose to become activists in this movement ─ or any other that does not affect them, for that matter.
 

The passiveness of Muslims is not only evident in fighting for our black brothers and sisters, but in politics as well. Only recently have Muslims started to speak up, realizing that our community is under attack. This is because our community is not unified ─ it’s divided by agencies of colorism, which is palpable in mosques that cater to specific ethnicities. In South Asian and Middle Eastern cultures, fair skin is traditionally deemed as “beautiful” and this trickles down to erroneously marginalizing and ostracizing black people in mosques through racism and colorism -- two ideologies Islam despises. The Holy Prophet (ﷺ) said, “Verily, Allah does not look at your figures, nor at your attire, but He looks at your hearts.” [Muslim]
 

Racism and colorism undoubtedly stem from obscenity present in society and emanate from ruthless leaders and colonization, not from Islam. We have witnessed this firsthand with the Travel Ban imposed by Trump in 2017 against Muslim-majority countries (six, to be precise), where a new-found sense of advocacy and activism was aroused; similarly, 9/11 brought about Muslims who proudly wore the hijab (the Muslim veil or headscarf; the Arabic word “hijab” means “to cover”) and represented Islam. While these forms and practices of activism are absolutely necessary and critical in a strained climate, they only pertain to one group: Muslims. Activism in Islam entails fighting for all of our brothers and sisters ─ regardless of their ethnicity or faith. Islam entails fighting for labor unions and those who clean our bathrooms on a paycheck that cannot allow them to afford insurance or basic health coverage. Islam entails fighting for the Dreamers who fear deportation every single day. Islam entails fighting for the Palestinians who are fighting for their land and their lives.

There should not be any “apolitical” Muslims. Recently, apoliticalism arose when most Muslims spoke out for justice for Stephon Clark, but only after finding out he was a Muslim. Muslim activists did not become revolutionary by remaining passive or uninvolved ─ they spoke out against the injustice of all minorities and represented Islam in the best, most comprehensive nature they could in the most utilitarian manner possible. Hence, if we, as students of higher educational institutions in the West, can unite to collectively take action and continue to fight for causes that most give up on from the get-go, perhaps one day, our community can help prevent the maltreatment and injustice of all marginalized communities.

In Sha Allah - if Allah wills.

photos | sania elahi

Coffee Fortnight at Threads: The Monk of Mokha

The Monk of Mokha: The Origin of Coffee

words | hana qwfan

As promised, here is the second and final installment in Threads Magazine’s “Coffee Fortnight” web publication theme centered around coffee consumption. This week, one of our talented team of writers discussed the importance of coffee’s cultural heritage in Yemen, reviewed the story of coffee’s genesis through the lens of a java innovator’s lens, reinforced the beauty of deliberate, lifelong adventure, and much more. Keep reading to find out about the Yemeni radix of coffee and how java beans fueled one gentleman’s entire life story until it became responsible for inspiring the lives of millions of demoralized Yemeni Americans during an ongoing, persistent civil war.

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Despite the art of coffee originating in Yemen, the country has only gained attention through the media by its fall into poverty and violence as the civil war within the country continues. David Eggers’ new nonfiction title, “The Monk of Mokha”, reintroduces Yemen through its agricultural prosperity and its resilient people through the story of Mokhtar Alkhanshali’s rediscovery of the origin of coffee.

Have you ever wondered where coffee came from? To be honest, I always assumed that it came from somewhere in Africa or Latin America. While I started consuming coffee as early as the age of thirteen, my first assumption was that coffee was something that busy, innovative people consumed. Because I wanted to be a busy, innovative person, I found my addiction to coffee growing beyond my enjoyment of the taste. By the time I entered college, I consumed it regularly. It became a staple to my morning routine, a ritual for late nights in the holy month of Ramadan (the Islamic month of fasting, starting May 15 this year), and a way to catch up with old friends. This is anything but surprising; a large majority of the world use coffee as a means for a variety of aspects. With American franchises such as Starbucks and Coffee Bean, I only paid attention to the westernized culture of coffee. What I didn’t realize, as a Yemeni American, was the historical importance of coffee in Yemeni culture.

I discovered that coffee originated from Yemen through my sister, who also informed me about a book that detailed the rediscovery of Yemeni coffee: The Monk of Mokha. The Monk of Mokha is a work of nonfiction written by Dave Eggers on the story of Mokhtar Alkhanshali, a Yemeni American historian, coffee innovator, and founder of the Port of Mokha coffee. The story goes over Mokhtar’s endeavor to bring the art of Yemeni coffee into the game of coffee trade, despite the outbreak of Yemen’s civil war that broke out in 2015. While the story focuses on Mokhtar’s journey in Yemen, it also highlights his past faults, ambitions, and outlooks on new opportunities.

The book of travel literature also extended beyond Mokhtar, towards Yemeni culture, history, and politics. As a writer, I was happy to have the opportunity to read about so much of the culture that I grew up with. Sources that discuss the good in Yemen are highly limited, and for the longest time, I felt as though my culture was nonexistent to those who only heard of Yemen through biased political news channels. Living in the Central Valley, I’ve grown up surrounded by fields and agriculture. Learning about Yemen’s history of harvesting coffee made me recognize the connection between the large influx of Yemeni immigrants to the Central Valley during the 60s and 70s and their ancestral history in the agricultural industry.

The history of Yemen’s coffee is particularly fascinating, as it starts with the birth of the coffee fruit in Ethiopia, a berry with the pit of the fruit often referred to as the “coffee bean”. The actual roasting of coffee bean, however, originated in Yemen. Eggers then talks about the manner in which others from across the globe, such as the Indians and Dutch, stole the seedlings from Yemen to grow and harvest coffee within their own countries. As India and the Netherlands continue to supply a large amount of the world’s demand for coffee, Yemen has gone under the radar with no substantial supply for the market. This jumpstarted Mokhtar’s mission to reintroduce Yemeni coffee beans into the market.

Mokhtar’s story is elevating because of the various situations he was able to overcome, such as being trapped in Yemen during the outbreak of the civil war and having to find his own way to flee to safety. It is a story worth sharing, especially with Muslims who carry similar dreams to achieve something without knowing exactly what purpose they need to fulfill. His journey teaches one to have faith, to continue our childhood habit of cultivating curiosity, and to push forward. When I first heard of coffee originating in Yemen, I only heard it through word of mouth. Yet through this story, I was able to learn the parts of my culture that I never knew about - up-close and personal.

Within recent months, many Yemeni Americans have lost hope with the continuing beat of the civil war. Our parents and grandparents, sojourner immigrants, might have also lost hope in the idea of returning to Yemen to invest back into their home and local villages. However, while things may have become worse with time, it is important to realize what we can still carry with us. If Mokhtar Alkhanshali was successful in restoring some hope in Yemeni coffee farmers, as well as in Yemeni immigrants in America, then there might be some work for the rest of us Yemeni Americans to strive toward. Egger’s awe-inspiring publication reminded me that although this earth is a small world, there is still a lot to uncover and find. Whether we cherish our findings, share our newly discovered knowledge, or find inner peace through our own journeys, it is important to keep searching until we get there. As curious beings, it’s worthwhile to - at the very least - continue trying these explorations.   

Coffee Fortnight at Threads: Jettisoning the Java

Coffee Fortnight at Threads: Week 1
Jettisoning the Java

words | salmana shah

This week marks the first week where we kick off a fortnight-long publication theme centered around coffee consumption at Threads Magazine. Our caffeine-theme only seems apt, given the current climate of quarter students prepping for midterm season or semester students grinding on during the last weeks of the academic year. Keep reading to find out more about how dark cups of joe define one UC Berkeley student’s life - and how the coffee kick has become an itch too hard to ditch.

The following article chronicles a week-long attempt to stay away from coffee.

Acclimating

There is a sudden and acute ache in my head. This and a gradually emerging drowsiness are almost debilitating, but I push aside the pain and focus on the lecture being delivered. I consider getting boba after class - after all, tapioca balls-infused tea isn’t as caffeine-intensive as my usual morning coffee with creamer or my late afternoon latte. But it’s still caffeine, and before I can enjoy a milk tea with boba or a tall vanilla latte ever again, I have to eliminate all dependency on caffeine.

Coffee was always a social thing; acquainting different coffee shops, meeting with friends over coffee, and studying with coffee was all part of a distinct culture that I enjoyed and loved.

But then I realized there was no way I could combat the stresses of a high-intensity extremely rigorous academic environment without coffee. And then it became a habit: a cup of coffee every morning to wake me up and then one in the afternoon to keep me awake. At some point, I grew intolerant of even the slightest of sleepiness. I turned to coffee instead of fighting the fatigue or getting a decent amount of sleep at night.

These withdrawal symptoms are a sign that my brain is acclimating to this abrupt change. At least that’s what I’m hoping it is.

Diversions

Old habits die hard. Anyone trying to break a terrible habit has to struggle with visceral sensations of desire and complicated internal dialogues.

Since my freshman year of college, I have struggled to feel productive or fulfilled without a cup of coffee.

I push the thought away, diverting my attention to more important things; today is the most beautiful day and I try to immerse myself in it. I am momentarily distracted from my coffee craving until it flares up again. These sensations of want, orchestrated by my mind, make it hard for me to do much else.

But I continue to push it away, reminding myself that there was a time before coffee and there will be a time after coffee.

This thought is somewhat successful as I manage to divert my attention - albeit temporarily - from that unnerving craving for caffeine.

Peril

Sometimes, the coffee-induced high I’d so desperately pursue would morph into coffee-induced peril. One cup of coffee would set me into an anxious spiral; I’d feel as though I could run fifteen miles but I’d also feel like collapsing.

The jitters I sometimes feel when I drink coffee are all too common in people who drink coffee. Sometimes, even the tiniest bit of caffeine is too much, leading to an adverse reaction.

That was never enough to stop me from drinking coffee the next day. Those anxious spells were rare enough in frequency that I would justify them by considering what would happen if I didn’t drink coffee. I was afraid I’d feel too exhausted to continue on with my day, that I’d succumb to the drowsiness I just couldn’t afford to feel.

Has coffee become so embedded in my routine that I fear I’d lose all stability if I gave it up? Am I incapable of functioning without a caffeine boost? These rhetorical questions confused me to no end.

Acclimating to change and, more particularly, letting go of something is terribly difficult. Perhaps at fault for my dependency was a deep-seated fear of letting go and an uncertainty of what my life would be like when that happened. I invariably forget that there was a time I lived and functioned well without coffee. I think about how my life requires so much more energy now. There is no way I can get through it on my own.

But it’s the third day and I’m still functioning. I remind myself of the peril I experience when I drink caffeine and make it through the day, successfully without coffee.

Relapse After Triumph

I gave in and bought a cup of coffee today. It was a semi-conscious decision: it was an early morning and I was tired. Anticipating a long day of classes and interning, I caved and bought a cup of plain, dark coffee. After submerging it in milk and sugar, I continued on with my day.

I felt immediately alert - as if I had experienced an instant jolt of energy. This sensation was followed by a deep sadness.

Four days without coffee: four days of piercing headaches, extreme tiredness, and occasional lethargy. But over the last four days, the symptoms had been decreasing. I felt more productive each day and the headaches became less severe. But today, on the fifth day, I relapsed. As a result, I lost all the progress I had made. Therefore, the dark dip in mood was inevitable.

Today, coffee became a temporary fix for a deep-seated issue: the activities and events in my life were exhausting me - physically, emotionally, and mentally. Even a good night’s sleep couldn’t give me the energy I needed to face the day. This is how it is for so many students around me who also face the stress of a high-pressure and demanding environment where everyone is ultra-productive and if you’re not, you’ll never be successful, fulfilled, or happy.

I realized I needed to face life head-on and find balance instead of relying on quick-fixes, like coffee, to make me ultra-productive. Perhaps it’s okay if I’m not ultra-productive. It’s most important that I take care of myself in order to at least maintain my existing productivity.

Bagel Meets Coffee

Today, I decide that I can and will function without coffee.  

I force myself to stay awake when I feel sleepy, which is hardest to do in my early morning class. I pull myself out of my productivity slumps, which so often transpire while I’m writing papers for class or studying for midterms. Coerced attentiveness takes a tremendous amount of willpower but is far more fulfilling than a cup of coffee could ever be because the source of obtaining it is natural rather than artificial.

By making an active, conscious effort to employ my own internal strength, I find it possible to evade lethargy and to fully experience the day. This, however, is made difficult with a conflicting desire to give in.

I thwart the burgeoning desire to relapse; to buy that $5 cup of coffee, to indulge in the unnecessary expenditure. I would be far more alert, I tell myself.

Instead, I buy a bagel.

photos | sania elahi

P.S. Be on the lookout for next week’s caffeine-themed piece coming soon!

Enlightening Perspectives: Sexual Violence within the Muslim Community

interviewer | hana qwfan

Sexual violence has been an issue that is rarely ever addressed within our Muslim communities. Often times, when it is addressed, it is often misunderstood and mistreated. It has become a stigma in many localities, and because of the taboo surrounding it, it often hurts our victims instead of providing them with support. I had the amazing opportunity to interview the wonderful Mahreen Alam, a representative of HEART (Health Education, Advocacy, Research and Training) Women and Girls, back in November of 2017. HEART is an organization that aims to bring aid and support to victims of sexual violence within our Muslim community. Along with these objectives, the organization also aims to promote sexual health through education, research, and training. They perform a fantastic job of breaking the stigma, validating our victims, and bringing overall awareness to the issues that Muslim communities are too afraid to discuss. The nonprofit organization of female empowerment is based in Chicago, but you will find many resources across the US and Canada. I myself have learned so much from this organization, and I’m confident that you all can learn something too.

A special thank you to Mahreen, who I first briefly met at MSA West’s Servant Leader Summit this past August when she delivered  a presentation on HEART organization. She has been incredibly kind and captivating during this exchange. Without further ado, here is the interview:  

Q: What would be the most important things to do when a loved one approaches you about their sexual harassment/abuse experience for the first time?

Believe them when they come forward.                                

It takes an incredible amount of courage for a victim to report sexual violence. A majority of sexual assaults, approximately 68%, are never reported to law enforcement. Research suggests that this number is even higher in communities of color - anywhere from 85%-90% of survivors do not disclose.  We need to support survivors, and make them feel safe to seek resources, as this is crucial for their healing and gives others the strength and hope to come forward in the future.

Positive Language.                     

What you say to a survivor can have a profound effect on a their ability to heal. Validating a survivor’s experience and feelings by telling them things like “I’m sorry this happened,” “it’s ok to feel angry,” and “you’re safe here” may seem insignificant, but can have a tremendous impact on a survivor.

Empower your loved one.                    

Sexual assault and other sexual violence crimes take away the individual’s power. Encourage your loved one to trust his/her instincts, but do not pressure him/her to do anything he/she is not yet ready to. do. It may take time for survivors to seek help, as they feel as though they have lost control over their life. Meet them where they are [already] rather than tell them what they need to be doing. Giving them back that control is crucial so encourage them to make decisions that help them move forward.

Understand barriers to disclosing. Survivors find it difficult to disclose. They may feel guilt or shame, or fear their perpetrator. They may be worried they won’t be believed, or that they’ll be blamed for the abuse. Understanding barriers to disclosure can help make you a better supporter. Upon disclosing, often victims face many barriers including media scrutiny, retaliation against themselves and their families, and re-traumatization.

Create a safe space.

One of the first aspects of a survivor’s life to be compromised after the occurrence of sexual violence is his/her emotional and physical safety. Talk to your loved one about what makes him/her feel safe in their surroundings, interactions, and relationships, and then work together to create that space of refuge in your home. Make sure you enlist a team of trusted individuals who can commit to spending some time with them.

Be mindful of the unique challenges that Muslims face.

Because of Islam’s emphasis on modesty, privacy, and purity, many Muslim survivors may feel an unusual amount of shame, guilt, and self-blame. They may also be preoccupied with anxieties regarding the future, such as their ability to get married and live normal lives. The community may also engage in certain forms of victim-blaming using the above as motivations. Try your best to minimize these emotions and explain to your loved one that there are a number of strong Islamic principles that are supportive of survivors, and that emphasis on purity and privacy never supersedes the safety of another individual.     

Plan self-care.                                               

Ensure that both you and the individual you are supporting have a plan for self-care. When an individual is dealing with a crisis as emotionally draining as sexual assault, it is easy to forget or neglect one’s own self-care. Emotional self-care is also crucial and can mean different things for different people, such as seeing a licensed counselor, journaling, or partaking in meditation or other relaxation exercises. Ensure that your loved one is engaging in emotional self-care on a consistent basis.

Engage in your own self-care. Supporting a loved one through this process involves vicarious trauma. It is easy to get wrapped up in supporting your loved one. It is crucial to make time for yourself as well. If you do not take care of yourself, you will be unable to sustain taking care of others.

Q: What are some things that we can do in order to clear misconceptions about sexual harassment within the Muslim community (especially since it's considered taboo)?

The Muslim community is not immune to the struggles that any other community faces. There is a serious lack of access to culturally-sensitive information and resources, and additional  apprehension of seeking out those tools due to the shame associated with discussing sex and sexual violence. That is the basis of why HEART Women & Girls was founded - in order to break this silence. HEART seeks to provide a safe space to come together—both virtually and physically—to learn about our  bodies, exchange health information, and become resources of health information for each other and our communities.

Education is key; for far too long there has been a lack of culturally-sensitive and accurate sexual health education. Make a commitment today to educating yourself and your families on sexual violence. HEART provides in-person sexual health workshops at your local mosque, college Muslim Student Association (MSA), or even community center, as well as an online virtual resource center catered to all ages from adolescents to adults. This is a great way to provide culturally-sensitive sexual health information and even open up individuals to resources they didn’t even know that had access to!

Change in our families and our homes will come as soon as we begin to have open conversations about abuse and sex, and as soon as we empower our children to protect themselves and speak up if they are victimized. Have safe, open conversations about sexual violence in your homes, mosques, and communities at large, including reaching out to social workers, law enforcement authorities, media, and public institutions as necessary.

Commit to bringing resources and tools to build and empower your community. Typically the leadership and staff at faith institutions are often the first responders to incidents of sexual violence. Hence, it is absolutely crucial for them to have the know-how on the policies, procedures, tools and expertise to be able to respond to survivors and allegations in a victim-centric manner that is free from stigma. There are many organizations who provide these trainings such as HEART and Peaceful Families Project. Change at the community level can only happen with an attitude and commitment to challenge stigmas and behaviors that enable violence and do not hold perpetrators accountable. As a collective community, we must replace blame, shame and stigma with openness, support and healing.

Work to create empowered, inclusive, and safe spaces. Build the kind of space in your community in which individuals will know that their privacy will be honored and survivors feel supported, empowered, and safe. Understand that everyone’s situation is unique, and the challenges they face in such circumstance are very complex. It’s important to have built pillars of support and safety so that survivors are able to care of themselves and their families well before the professional, legal and social services enter the equation.

Do not silence survivors. Validate and affirm, do not question the validity of their story. Don’t dismiss their feelings. Give them permission to feel the emotions they are feeling – whether it’s anger, sadness, frustration.

Q: Can you give me any resources that I can provide in the article in case someone is experiencing this? Such as contact information to the organization, office locations, etc. ?

Yes! There is a wealth of information that is accessible online the HEART virtual resource center at heartwomenandgirls.org. First of all, you should know and utilize the resources in your community.    There are a number of resources in the community that are extremely useful as you help support your loved one, such as:                    

Rape crisis centers                        

Local and national hotline                        

Sexual assault therapists & counselors on campus.

UC Berkeley CARE Advocates’ Office: can be reached at the Main Office: (510) 642-1988 and the 24/7 Care Line: (510) 643-2005                

Q: Is there anything else that you would like to inform us about in regards to HEART?

The opportunity to be involved with an organization that  sticks so strongly to its values and works so strictly for the community has been one of the most growing and impactful experiences for me. Especially now, it has become apparent that we as individuals need to be more committed as ever to being agents of change within our communities.

HEART is looking for college interns! If you are interested, be sure to contact either me at mahreenalam@gmail.com or Sahar Pirzada sahar@heartwomenandgirls.org. HEART also offers other ways to get involved! If you feel as though you would like to work as a trainer and give in person workshops, work in research or advocacy, email Sahar Pirzada at sahar@heartwomenandgirls.org. Be sure to subscribe to their newsletter to keep up to speed with this inspiring team of determined women.

This interview was written as a companion to the writer’s print article, “Sexual Harassment and the Muslim Community,” published in the Fall 2017 Print Issue of Threads Magazine, available here. Flip to Page 28 to read her intriguing piece.

headshot courtesy | mahreen alam

A Summer in China: A Travel Memoir

words | salmana shah

Last summer, I had the opportunity to travel abroad alone. I look back at my experience with fondness and a wistful sense of longing. This travel memoir explores my adventures in Southeastern China and the feelings provoked by the intrepid experience.

At the height of my sophomore slump last year, I decided I would visit my Aunt in China. She was researching at a university in Southeast China and I was emerging out of a turbulent school year with a complex sense of isolation which I felt could only be mediated by time away from my world back home.

When I landed in Fuzhou, Fujian for my short two-week trip, I felt slightly homesick and completely disoriented. The fact that no one knew English only reminded me that I definitely should have learned some Mandarin prior to my trip. However, I would later learn that language is less important in guiding us than we presume it to be.

As I scrambled to find my luggage in the midst of the type of uproarious chaos that characterizes typical airports, I felt an eerie sense of excitement that comes with plunging into the unknown. In this case, the unknown was a seemingly random place I had very little knowledge about, beyond what a number of Wikipedia articles about the region had taught me. Embarking on this journey  would eventually convey to me a sort of reality I would never have found in articles, online, or anywhere else in the world.

I can only vaguely recall my first night in Fuzhou. My aunt’s apartment was small, as most units are in the beige-yellow high-rises that dominate much of the skyscape in China’s urban areas. I fell asleep fast that night and the next morning woke up to a view unlike any I had seen before.

The colossal residential towers were monotonous in style, often fluctuating between a light beige and a deep yellow. Below were well-kempt streets which diverged into dirt backroads. It was the type of landscape you read about in twentieth century novels predicting future cityscapes with all the galore of Swiss-French architect Le Corbusier’s dream of high rises actualized in an east-Asian setting. Perhaps this stood out to me most because of my major in Urban Planning; I spent a great deal of time considering the resulting dynamics of this unique and overwhelming arrangement.

The fact that everything was clustered nearby also meant that there were abundant activities and sites to see. Most days my aunt would show me around, but when she had to work, I would venture out alone and meet her later in the city. Journeying alone was quite tricky. Because so few people knew English or had never learned it, the only place I could communicate with anyone was at Starbucks, which meant that ordering food comprised of a series of gestures; pointing to pictures and motioning to confirm there was no pork in the food. However, the majority of people whom I had interacted with were considerately polite about my inability to speak Mandarin, a refreshing change from interactions I’ve witnessed in the English world where the English language reigns supreme and marginalizes those who can’t conform.

The communication barrier did, however, make me feel further isolated since I spent much time mulling over my wish of knowing what was happening around me. It seemed that all the scenes I witnessed fused into one private scene that existed in my mind but that I would never have access to. While that general feeling of detachment was bemusing, it offered an opportunity to appreciate the linguistic barrier which reminded me that I was both a visitor in this country as well as in this universe.

Among my favorite sights in Fujian were the numerous parks and Buddhist temples, which offered a sense of solitude against the city’s dynamically urban landscape. They were my favorite retreat because they permitted me to be somewhat alone to enjoy the subtropical humidity and the various fauna and flora present amongst the urban chaos. My reclusive moments allowed me to revel in a sense of peace I wasn’t previously familiar with. By finding serenity in my self-inflicted desolation, I came to terms with the ubiquitous feeling of isolation that I carried here and at home.

In the grand scheme of things, I was nothing but a small person passing by. Away from the stresses of life back home and in a new place where no one knew or understood me, I was able to merely exist. I offered Fuzhou nothing and in exchange I was able to experience a beautiful and dynamic city characteristic of a country so unique, that its presence, and mine within it, still remains comparable to nothing.

photos | salmana shah

As If I Was Broken: A Personal Memoir

words | rabiah shere

At the age of fifteen, I told my father that I was depressed, but I set my feelings aside after he told me that kids my age don’t acquire depression. At the age of sixteen, I told my doctor that I was in a consistent state of unhappiness, but he told me that it could be “seasonal.” At the age of eighteen, I was led to believe it was ‘just me’.

At the age of twenty, everything became worse.

I’ve forgotten what happiness tastes like ever since I've lost myself through the months.

And when I say that “I’ve lost myself,” I mean that every bit of me that I once knew has shattered into bits and pieces. It's not only that I don't know where things are, but rather, everything seems to be all over the place - my emotions, my thoughts, my strength, my confidence, my hope, my faith, and my interests. I can’t seem to gain the energy to pick up everything that I’ve lost and put my old self back into what it once was.

I don’t know where these things - everything that defines my identity, that make me who I am - are; everything that built me, and everything I once held onto, so tightly, is now something I’ve suddenly lost all control of. I don’t know where they are, but I know they aren't with me. Everything I once had control of, or at least the slightest bit of control of, are no longer in my hands. Things I cannot or do not have control of, I wish I did. And things I currently have control of are what I currently convince myself to believe are fragile enough to ruin without any effort.

This is what living with depression and anxiety is like.

In a room full of people, you feel entirely alone.
Yet being alone suffocates you from the inside out.

You wish that you’d find comfort in one of the two ends by either staying at home and isolating yourself completely or going to that party and surrounding yourself with people to help you forget the mess that’s occurring inside your head.
 

But in reality, you know that neither of those two can truly help you.

In reality, you’d rather be at home with just one friend, but you also know that doing so means isolating that person from the party where everyone is at.

In reality, you know that what you need would be asking for a lot, burdening others, and trapping someone else to deal with your emotions.

In other words, the solution isn’t simple. With depression and anxiety, it never is.

Depression is living in the past. It’s remembering what things used to be. It’s being sad about everything, anything, and nothing.

It’s curling up into a ball, not wanting to move, but also not being able to move. It’s staying in bed all day, not because you’re lazy but because you just can’t get up. It’s crippling. It’s sighing about thirty times a day because you feel like you can’t breathe. It’s having your heart in a consistent state of heaviness because all you want to do is cry.

Anxiety is living in the future, always thinking about what’s to come. You’re always thinking about what you have to do and what’s next. With anxiety, there’s no break. Life feels like it’s going too fast and won’t pause for you. What’s defeating is that, with anxiety, you expect life to stop for you, even though rationally, you know it won’t. You constantly believe you’re going to mess up - that your mistakes will yield a catastrophic result as if the world will end by your own ruinous hands.

Anxiety is fearing change and avoiding new experiences because you fear the unexpected more than the average person would. Anxiety is connecting everything together - if one thing doesn’t go right, then everything else consequently fails. Anxiety is thinking about everything you have to accomplish in the near and far future and feeling extremely overwhelmed as a result. Anxiety is becoming hopelessly engulfed - lost - within your own thoughts.

It’s when your broodings consume you, your heart races, your breathing deepens - so much so that you can’t breathe.

You feel weak, your stomach turns, you become dizzy, you feel like crying, and somehow all of these reactions make your body numb, making you wish for someone to hold you and stabilize you because, in that moment, reality loses all sense permanently. Nothing feels real anymore. In that moment, you feel physically impaired, as if you have no control over your own body.

Anxiety and depression mean that you are always blaming yourself, always feeling like you need to be in control - not because you like it your way, but because a change of plans makes you anxious and because not knowing the unknown vexes you.
 

Trying to accomplish your goals becomes exhausting when every setback that may or may not be your fault results in beating yourself up.

Imagine extending your entire arm is the only act required to attain what you want, yet the one thing that cuts you short from achieving it is the finger that cannot reach far enough. How do I control that? It’s not my fault that my finger falls short.

Was it?

To be frank, it sucks to be so close to - practically at - your destination - and yet fail to accomplish your goal because of the inability to properly measure the distance. Was it even possible to measure the distance? Perhaps, it’s all about chance. But I can’t help but think - I could have done more.

That being said, with anxiety and depression, you always feel that you could have done more - should have done more.

You never really know what this sentiment feels like until you’ve experienced it.  

However, I’m opening the door because I am tired of being misunderstood.

I’m tired of being told that I am too emotional, that I “freak out” too much, that I’m ungrateful, that I am overly dramatic, hypersensitive, and always have to have it my way. I’m exhausted from being told that I'm too irritated, sad, angry - that I need to control my emotions...when I simply can’t.

For eight years prior to my clinical diagnosis of depression, I was constantly told to "fix" myself, as if I was broken in the first place. I was told this type of vulnerability was a flaw in my personality, and that I was weak and incapable of handling stress properly. I was told that my faith in Islam was diminishing, that I was being punished due to a lack of faith, that I didn’t pray enough, or recite Qur’an (the Holy Book of Islam) enough, and that I didn’t devote enough of my time to God.

I was made to believe that I was the issue. I was forced to believe that everything I felt was the result of being a bad Muslim, despite the fact that I did pray five times a day and regularly read the Qur’an.

For eight strenuous years, I was forced to believe that everything was my fault. However, ever since my diagnosis, I've known that that is a lie; my condition is not something I have brought upon myself. It is simply something I am endeavoring to control, through the help of therapy and medication.

I wish other people understood that I’m trying, that I’ve become exhausted in the process and that if they are tired of hearing about my mental illness, then they cannot fathom the courage to imagine what it’s like living with it.  

Just because I’m smiling, laughing, and having a good time does not mean I am cured.

Depression is not simply being sad 24/7; it’s internal. And on days when it does become external, I seclude myself and avoid any form of human interaction. I don’t like to project my emotions on my face and I’d rather not talk about it. I don’t want anyone to notice my mood and ask if I’m “okay” because the answer is almost always in the negative, which triggers me to cry. It’s not that I can’t trust people with my life affairs; it’s that I have a hard time leaning on others. I feel that talking about my problems burdens others. Both my anxiety and depression already put the blame on me, and I don’t wish to feel such negativity anymore than necessary.
 

I wish others understood that it’s not my intention to lose them as friends; I just need them to work with me. It’s taxing to work on myself and another relationship - self-care can be selfish, but it’s crucial to understand that in order to care for others, I must first care for myself.

I need to be healthy.

I just wish others understood - that I’ve forgotten what happiness tastes like and I am trying to find what I’ve lost throughout the months.

photos | rabiah shere and christine nguyen

Little Letters - December Edition

By: Aishah Mahmud

Love letters to little things in life.

Dear Rain,

        I seriously underestimated you. I assumed my twenty-minute walk to class under a light drizzle would be fine with just an umbrella and my Keds® sneakers. Never have I been more wrong. I’m thankful for only having one class on Thursday and being able to walk in my sloshing socks back to my room, where I could enjoy your beauty from my warm bed for the rest of the day.

Dear Coco,

        I apologize for both of my parents falling asleep when I took them to watch you, but you were truly the most moving cinematic masterpiece I've seen in a very long time.

Dear Discover Weekly playlist on Spotify,

        Thank you for having my back with fresh new music every week, and for curing me of my inability to not just play the same song on repeat because I can’t bring myself to find new songs when I’m studying.

Dear Peppermint Mocha from Peet’s Coffee,

        Has a better drink ever been created? You are the perfect mix of mint and chocolate, an emblem of holiday joy and warmth.

Dear Trader Joe’s stores,

        You are truly magnificent, with your rows of colorful snacks and unbeatable microwaved foods. You are my happy place.

Dear sweatpants,

        Why did I ever try to replace you with jeans? I should have realized that you were and always will be the one for me.

Dear Buzzfeed Unsolved,

        How are you so addicting? So creepy, yet so funny? So educational?

Dear Ici Ice Cream,

        I probably shouldn’t have had you in 40 degree weather, but your Earl Grey flavor was worth it.

Dear skin,

        I get that I don’t moisturize you and take care of you like I should, but please stop hurting me like this.

Dear daylight,

        I appreciate you whenever you’re here, but I miss when you were around past 5 PM.

Dear Finals Week,

        (deep breathes) Let’s do this.

Photos By: Zahra Ansari